£& UNITED STATES EXPLORING EXPEDITION. BY AUTHORITY OF CONGRESS. UNITED STATES EXPLORING EXPEDITION. DURING THE YEARS 1888, 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842. UNDER THE COMMAND OF CHARLES WILKES, U. S. N. ETHNOGRAPHY AND PHILOLOGY, BY HORATIO HALE, PHILOLOGIST OF THE EXPEDITION. DOCUMENTS DEPARTMENT JUN 1 6 1960 UMWT UNIVERSITY Of CALIFORNIA PHILADELPHIA: PRINTED BY C. SHERMAN. 184*;. V. CONTENTS. ALPHABET ETHNOGRAPHICAL PART. OCEAN1CA 3 POLYNESIA 4 MELANESIA 43 VITI, OR THE FEEJEE GROUP 47 MICRONESIA 69 TOBI, OR LORD NORTH'S ISLAND 77 BANABE, OR ASCENSION ISLAND 80 MILLE, OR THE MULGRAVE ISLANDS 87 TARAWA. OR THE KINGSMILL ISLANDS 90 ROTUMA, OR GRANVILLE ISLAND 103 AUSTRALIA 106 MIGRATIONS OF THE OCEANIC TRIBES 117 POLYNESIA 117 TAHITI 121 NUKUHIVA 125 HAWAII 129 B CONTENTS. PAGE .. 136 RAROTONGA . 139 MANGAREVA . 141 RAPA THE AUSTRAL ISLANDS * .. 143 PAUMOTU .. 146 NEW ZEALAND 1 4S CHATHAM ISLAND FAKAAFO J VAITUPU 1( GENERAL ILLUSTRATIONS 1G9 MONTHS 1G9 WINDS 171 179 NUMERALS ' VITI AND TONGA 174 TIKOPIA 186 TARAWA 187 SYNOPSIS OF MIXED LANGUAGES 193 ORIGIN OF THE POLYNESIANS 194 NORTHWESTERN AMERICA 197 PHILOLOGICAL PART. COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR OF THE POLYNESIAN DIALECTS 229 ESSAY AT A LEXICON OF THE POLYNESIAN LANGUAGE 291 ENGLISH AND POLYNESIAN VOCABULARY 341 DIALECT OF FAKAAFO AND VAITUPU 357 GRAMMAR OF THE VITIAN LANGUAGE 365 VITIAN DICTIONARY 391 VOCABULARY OF THE DIALECT OF TOBI 425 VOCABULARY OF THE DIALECT OF MILLE 431 OUTLINES OF A GRAMMAR OF THE TARAWAN LANGUAGE 435 VOCABULARY OF THE TARAWAN LANGUAGE 445 NOTES ON THE LANGUAGE OF ROTUMA 469 THE LANGUAGES OF AUSTRALIA .... .. 479 CONTENTS. vii FACE THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHWESTERN AMERICA 533 SYNOPSIS AND VOCABULARIES 569 THE "JARGON" OR TRADE-LANGUAGE OF OREGON 635 PATAGONIA 651 SOUTHERN AFRICA.. , 657 CHART OF OCEANIC MIGRATIONS, TO FACE PAGE 1 TUPAIA'S CHART, TO FACE PAGE 123 ETHNOGRAPHICAL MAP OF OREGON, TO FACE PAGE. .. .. 197 ALPHABET. IN forming the alphabet which was to be used in this work, the principle was adopted that ench simple sound should be invariably represented by one and the same character. The basis of the system is that proposed by Mr. Pickering in his well-known Essay, pub- lished in the Memoirs of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Some alterations have been made, but such as are agreeable to the principles there laid down. The fol- lowing are the only peculiarities of the alphabet which require explanation. 1. The vowels have the same general sounds as in the German, Spanish, and Italian languages. A is sounded as in father, e like « in fate, i as in machine, o as in note, u as in rule, or like oo in cool. Two other characters, suggested by Mr. Pickering, have been found necessary — the one (a) to represent the sound of a in hall, the other (u) for the sound of u in but. These do not, indeed, comprise all the distinctions of sound which have been found to exist. The French u and German d were heard in some of the dia- lects. It has seemed best, however, in order to avoid, as far as possible, the multiplica- tion of characters, to be contented with noting the existence of these minor shades of sound in the languages in which they occur. 2. The consonants b, d, f, h, k, /, m, n, p, r, s, t, v, w, y, z, have their usual English sounds. G is always hard, as in go, get. Q (c with a cedilla) has been used for the sound of sh in shall. Jis sounded as in French, or like z in glazier. Q is used for a very harsh guttural, pronounced deep in the throat, which occurs in some of the Indian languages. 3. The new consonantal characters, which it has been found necessary to introduce, have been mostly taken from the Greek. Theta (9), delta (/ is a combination of very frequent occurrence in the Indian and South-African languages. It is not so difficult as it may appear at first sight, being merely a tl pronounced in the side of the mouth, with a strong impulsion of the breath. 5. The only diacritical marks employed are the usual signs of quantity, (") and ("), and the acute accent ('). The first two are used for distinguishing two shades of sound in each of the vowels. A is pronounced as in part, and a as in pat; e as a in mate, and i as in met; i as in machine, and t as in pin ; 6 as in the English word note, and 6 as in the same word in French ; u as oo in pool, and u as in putt ; & as a in hall, and 4 as a in what, or o in not ; a as u in murmur, or nearly as the French eu, and & as u in mutter. These marks are rarely applied except to the vowels of accented syllables, — that is, of those syllables on which the stress of voice falls. Thus, in one of the Austra- lian dialects, mugin means blind, and mugin, musquito; — in both words the accent or emphasis, is on the last syllable. The unaccented vowels are rarely sufficiently distinct to require this discrimination. The same, moreover, is frequently the case even with the emphasized vowel, which sometimes has a medium sound, neither long nor short,* and sometimes is indifferently pronounced with either quantity. In such cases, the oblique mark (') is employed to denote the syllable on which the accent or emphasis should be * These shades in the vowel sounds might be as properly designated by the terms broad and slender, or open and close, ;is by those here used. The names, however, are unimportant, provided the distinction be rightly understood. ALPHABET. xi placed. — as, ///•':.•«/, / CIii.n I! > ; '••- $ ITi/i.' C R ,O - T$ E \ " i - •x~1 CV JAi ^\ ••:>,;•* ' f^ \', ..,-:••.. =5 vi,;si * ^' «•••»• h ^iL V-c: •S' , ' °' '. L ; " ;^- i— r^ **i AUS T R A L I A ttin.tt . .-'•" / « ..H**1 ^i' D SJJAJfJ rj iia ci-niAO.':! D1Y UV II.IIAI.K INJiH .;!!). 10, II \ U> , • / ' II..,-.. tonj.- . . ( 'I I /. ETHNOGRAPHY ETHNOGRAPHY, 0 C E A N I C A . THE term Oceanica is now commonly applied to the land included in that portion of the globe which lies between the coasts of Asia and America. Besides the great island or continent of New Holland, it comprises the extensive insular masses forming what is called the East Indian Archipelago, and the countless smaller clusters scattered over the surface of the Pacific Ocean. The latest writers, particularly the French voyagers and geographers, have, with much propriety, subdivided this region into five minor departments, distinguished from one another both by their natural features, and by the character of their inhabitants. These are Malaisia, Melanesia, Australia, Micro- nesia, and Polynesia, all of which have been visited and examined, to a greater or less extent, in the course of our voyage. The first of these names is applied to the islands in the East Indian seas occupied by the yellow Malay race, — the principal of which are Sumatra, Java, Borneo, Celebes, the Moluccas, the Sooloo Group, and the Philippine Islands. The peninsula of Malacca and the island of Formosa are also inhabited, in great part, by people of this race. Melanesia comprises that part of Oceanica inhabited by a dark- skinned race, with woolly or frizzled hair ; it includes New Guinea and the adjacent islands of Arroo, Mysol, and Waygeoo, to the west, 4 ETHNOGRAPHY. and New Britain, New Ireland, the Solomon Islands, and the New Hebrides, to the east. Australia is another name for New Holland, the aborigines of which are remarkable for presenting the singular combination of a complexion as dark as that of the African negroes, with soft and straight hair, as in the white race. Micronesia is a term applied to the long range of little groups and strips of coral rock, which are scattered over the Pacific to the north of the equator, and east of the Philippines, — the most important of which are the Pelew and Marian (or Ladrone) Islands, Banabe, the Radack Chain, and the Kingsmill Group. Finally, the name Polynesia has been long used to designate the islands in the East Pacific, inhabited by light-coloured tribes, allied to the Malaisian, and all speaking dialects of one general language. This being the division which was first and longest under our observation, will be first described. POLYNESIA. The principal groups of Polynesia, with their native names arid the estimated numbers of their inhabitants, are as follows : 1. The Navigator Islands. This group is situated between 169° and 173° of west longitude, and between 13° and 15° of south latitude. It consists of four large islands, Savaii, Upolu, Tutuila, and Manua ; and four small, Manono, Apolima, Orosenga, and Ofu. Savaii, the largest and most westerly, is about one hundred miles in circuit. The native name for the whole group is Samoa. The population is esti- mated by the missionaries at fifty-six thousand six hundred, of which four-fifths belong to the two large islands of Savaii and Upolu. 2. The Friendly Islands. These lie south-southwest of the pre- ceding, between the meridians of 173° and 176° E., and the paral- lels of 18° and 22° S. The group consists of three distinct clusters, that of Tonga, that of Habai, and that of Hafulu Hau. The first named is the southernmost, and consists of two large islands, Tonga and Eua, and several small ones. Tonga is the largest island of the Friendly Group, for which its name is commonly used as a general appellation, the island itself being distinguished by the epithet of tabu, or sacred. It is rather more than sixty miles in circuit, and contains about one hundred and fifty square miles. It is a low, flat island, of coral formation, elevated but a few feet above the level of the sea, and covered with a rich soil of vegetable mould two or three feet deep. POLYNESIA. 5 Under proper cultivation it would be capable of supporting a dense population. Eua is a high island, about half the size of Tonga. The Habai cluster, sixty miles north-northeast of Tonga, consists of a great number of small coral islands, of which the principal are Lefuka and Namuka. There are also two high islands, Kao and Tofua; on the latter of which is a volcano. Sixty miles further to the north is Hafulu Hau, which consists of the large high island of Vavau, and a number of small coral islands. The population of the whole Friendly or Tonga Group is probably about eighteen thousand, of which nearly half belong to the island of Tonga. 3. New Zealand is an extensive insular territory, eight hundred miles in length from northeast to southwest, and averaging eighty miles in width. It is divided into nearly equal parts by Cook's Strait, a channel forty miles wide, — and a similar passage separates, at its southern end, a smaller division called Stewart's Island. The whole group is supposed to contain not less than seventy thousand square miles. The natives have no general name for it, and those given by Cook for the two principal divisions are only partially applicable. Te Vai Pounamu means, "The Water of Jade," and is properly the name of a lake in the northern island, near which this stone is found. He ahi no Maui means, "The Offspring of Maui," and is sometimes employed by the natives in allusion to the prevalent belief that their island was produced by the god Maui. The population is supposed not to exceed one hundred and fifty thousand, of which nearly all are on the northern island. 4. The Society Islands. This is a group composed of two clusters, of which the eastern was originally termed the Georgian, and the western the Society Islands. They are both commonly included, at present, under the latter name. The eastern cluster comprises Tahiti, and the smaller islands of Aimeo (or Moorea), Tetuaroa, Tapuaemanu, and Metia. In the western are Huahine, Raiatea, Tahaa, and Pora- pora, all of nearly the same size, besides three or four smaller islands. The longitude of Tahiti, the island from which the whole group some- times takes its name, is 149° 30' W., and its latitude 17° 30' S. It is one hundred and eight miles in circumference, and contains about eight thousand inhabitants. The population of the whole group is estimated at eighteen or twenty thousand. 5. The Hervey Islands are situated ten degrees from the Society Group, in a west-southwest direction, — or between 155° and 160° of west longitude, and 19° and 22° of south latitude. They are seven 2 6 ETHNOGRAPHY. in number. Rarotonga, the largest and most westerly, is about thirty miles in circumference, — Atiu, Mangaia, and Aitutaki, are each about twenty ; the others, Mauke, Mitiaro, and Manual, are of inconsiderable extent. The population of the whole is estimated by Mr. Williams at fourteen thousand, of which about half belong to Rarotonga. 6. The Austral Islands are a range of small elevated islands, scat- tered along the southern tropic, about five degrees south of Tahiti. They are — beginning from the west — Rimatara, Rurutu, Tupuai, and Raivavai, — to which Rapa may be added, though it is situated at some distance southeast of the others, and differs from them in many respects. They are all of nearly the same size, varying from twelve to twenty miles in circumference. The number of inhabitants has been greatly reduced of late years, and does not probably exceed a thousand. 7. The Gambier Group is a small cluster of high islands, partly enclosed by an extensive reef. They lie east of the Austral Islands, in latitude 23° S., and longitude 135° W. The native name of the largest is Mangareva, which is about twelve miles in circumference; the next in size are Akena, Akamaru, and Tarawari. The popula- tion is stated at a little more than two thousand. 8. The Low or Dangerous Archipelago is the name commonly given to a multitude of small islands, of coral formation, which cover the ocean between the Society and Gambier Groups — or between 135° and 150° of west longitude, and 14° and 23° of south latitude. There are nearly seventy whose existence and position are ascertained, of which about a fifth are uninhabited. The most important are Rairoa, or Prince of Wales' Island, which is an oval ring of small islets, enclosing a lagoon a hundred and fifty miles in circuit, — Anaa, (or more properly Ngand,) known as Chain Island, — Makemu, or Phillips' Island, — and Hau, or Bow Island. The population is supposed not to exceed eight thousand, of which more than half belong to Anaa. The native name of the whole range is Pakumotu, or in Tahitian, Paumotu. 9. The Marquesas lie between 138° and 141° of west longitude, and between 7° and 11° of south latitude. A channel about sixty miles in width divides them into two clusters, each containing three large islands and several small ones. In the southeastern cluster, the principal islands are Hivaoa, Tahuata, and Fatuhiva; in the north- western, sometimes called the Washington Group, are Nukuhiva, Uahuka, and Uapou. Nukuhiva, which is the largest island of the POLYNESIA. 7 group, has a circumference of about sixty miles. Concerning the number of inhabitants on the islands, the most contradictory accounts are given, — but it does not, probably, exceed twenty thousand. 10. The Sandwich Islands, the most northerly group of Polynesia, are included between the meridians of 154° and 161° W., and the parallels of 18° and 23° N. The inhabited islands are eight in num- ber,— Hawaii, the largest and most southerly, covering a greater extent than all the rest united. It is about two hundred and fifty miles in circuit, and contains upwards of three thousand five hundred square miles. Maui, Oahu, and Tauai, are the next in size; and Tahoolarve, Lanai, Moktai, and Niihau, are comparatively unim- portant. The population is about one hundred thousand, whereof rather more than a third are on the island of Hawaii. Besides the groups before described, there are many smaller clus- ters and single islands which require to be mentioned. Five degrees due north of the Navigators are three coral islets, the largest of which was on no chart until surveyed by our Expedition, though it had been previously seen by a whaler. It was called by the natives Fakaafo, and was named by us Bowditch Island ; the others, which lie west of it, are Nuhunono, and Oatafu, known as the Duke of York's and the Duke of Clarence's Islands. The name of the Union Group was given to the three. The population does not probably exceed one thousand. Ten degrees west of these is a similar group of three coral islets, which, though previously known, were first surveyed by our vessels. Their names are Vaitupu, or Tracy's Island, Nukufetau, or Depey- ster's Island, and Funafati, or Ellice's Island. The largest is about ten miles in circumference. The natives were numerous, but we had no means of forming any estimate of the entire population. North of the Friendly Group, in latitude 15° 50' S., longitude 174C W., are two small high islands, discovered by Schouten, and named by him Cocoa and Traitor's Islands. They are each eight or ten miles in circumference, and are separated by a channel about a league in width. The native name is Niua, one of them being distinguished by the epithet tabu, or sacred. Ten degrees farther west is Good Hope Island, also discovered by Schouten, and called by the natives Niua Fou, or New Niua. At the same distance from this, in a north- west direction, are the Horn Islands, another discovery of the same navigator. These also, if our information is correct, are included in the general appellation of Niua. On the map, the name of Attu Fatu, g ETHNOGRAPHY. (probably Lua Fatu, the Two Rocks,) is sometimes given to them. Like the first mentioned, they are small in extent, but lofty, and sepa- rated by a narrow channel. The number of inhabitants on these islands is unknown, but it cannot exceed three or four thousand. North of the Niua Group, and west of the Navigators, in 13° 26' of south latitude, and about 176° of west longitude, is Uea, or Wallis's Island, which is a compact cluster of one high and several coral islets. Tikopia, in latitude 12° 30' S., longitude 169° E., is the most westerly island now known to be inhabited by people of the Polyne- sian race. It is seven or eight miles round, with a population of about five hundred. Fotuna (or Erronan) and Niua (or Immer) are two small hilly islands, a few miles east of Tanna, one of the New Hebrides. Though so near to and constantly communicating with the dusky inhabitants of this group, the natives retain the physiognomy and language of the Polynesian race. Chatham Island, twelve degrees east of New Zealand, is peopled by a few hundred natives, who are said to have the customs and speak the dialect of the New Zealanders. Savage Island lies about four degrees east of the Friendly Group ; it is small in extent, moderately elevated, and has but a scanty popu- lation. Penrhyn Island is the name given to a small ring of coral islets in latitude 9° S., longitude 158° W., or midway between the Mar- quesas and Union Groups. The inhabitants were found to be nume- rous in proportion to the size of the island. Easter Island, or Vaihu, the most easterly of the Polynesian islands, is situated in latitude 27° S., longitude 109° 50' W. It is about thirty miles round, and is supposed to have not far from two thousand inhabitants. From the foregoing enumeration it will appear that the entire population of Polynesia does not reach half a million. There is, perhaps, no people which, in proportion to its numbers, has been the subject of so much interest and of such minute investigation. This may be ascribed in part to the character of the natives, in itself more pleasing and attractive than that of most savages, but principally it is due to the peculiar position of the islands which they inhabit, scat- tered over a vast ocean, which has been, for the last hundred years, ploughed by the keels of every maritime power. In the course of our voyage we visited six out of the ten principal groups, namely, the POLYNESIA. 9 Navigator, Friendly, Society, and Sandwich Islands, the Low Archi- pelago, and New Zealand, and several of the smaller islands. Of most of those which we did not see we obtained information, either through intelligent persons who had resided on them, or through the natives themselves, whom we met at other groups. This was the case with regard to all the islands named in the preceding list, except only Tikopia and Easter Island, for which we must rely on the accounts of preceding navigators. A general view of the results of these observations, as respects the physical and mental characteristics, and what may be termed the national peculiarities of the Polynesians, will be useful for the purpose of comparing them with other branches of the human family, and especially with the other races of Oceanica. PHYSICAL TRAITS. As a race, the Polynesians are superior to most others in physical endowments. They are somewhat above the middle height, averaging five feet nine or ten inches, and are commonly well formed, with finely developed limbs and muscles. The women are inferior in this respect to the other sex, being too short and stout for graceful propor- tion ; yet most of them when young are not without a kind of pretti- ness, and occasionally one is seen who might be termed handsome. Their colour varies from a light to a dusky brown, with a slight tinge of yellow. It is remarkable that the lightest shades should be found nearest the equator, growing darker as we recede from it on either side. The fairest in complexion that we saw were the natives of Fakaafo, in latitude 9° S. ; next came the people of the Marquesas, the Navigator, the Society, and Friendly Groups, while the natives of New Zealand and the Sandwich Islands are a shade deeper in hue than the rest. The latter (the New Zealanders and Hawaiians) are, as a body, inferior to the others in stature and beauty of form ; a fact which will be readily referred to their less abundant food and more laborious life. Perhaps the same circumstances will account for the difference of complexion, which may have less direct relation to the heat of the climate than is commonly supposed. The Polynesians have the hair generally thick, strong, and black, with a slight tendency to curl, differing in this respect from the coarse lank hair of the American Indians. In some cases we have seen it of a lighter hue, brown or chestnut, but this is not common . The beard is scanty, and does not usually make its appearance till 3 10 ETHNOGRAPHY. middle age. They have little hair on their bodies, and take pains to eradicate it from the armpits and breasts, under a notion of cleanliness. Almost as great a variety of physiognomy is observable in Poly- nesia as among any people of Europe. Perhaps the only general characteristic, besides the complexion and hair, is the slight spread of the nostrils at the base, as though the nose had been a little depressed. The eyes are black, but neither large nor very bright ; we observed a few individuals in whom they were set obliquely, like those of the Chinese, but in general their direction is rectilinear. The forehead varies very much in height and angle of direction, but is usually well developed. The cheek-bones project slightly, rather more for- ward than laterally. The nose is commonly short and straight, but in certain tribes, and in some individuals of all tribes, it is long and •aquiline, — always appearing, however, to be slightly depressed and widened at the lower part. The mouth is commonly the best feature in the face, the lips being moderately full, and the teeth white, even, and well set. The chin is short and seldom prominent. The ears are large, standing out from the head. The whole contour of the face is oval, and the features, though not strongly marked, are often so regularly disposed as to be truly handsome. The form of the head is not such as accords with our ideas of elegance. It is short and broad, the transverse diameter just above the ears being nearly as great as the longitudinal, from the middle of the forehead to the occiput. It is, at the same time, rather more elevated than usual among barbarous races, rising highest at the coronal region. The head is remarkably flat behind, a peculiarity that is most striking in the women, from its contrast with the long, graceful oval, which we are accustomed to admire in the female head. The foregoing general description is applicable to all the tribes of Polynesia. But there are certain minor peculiarities which distin- guish the inhabitants of the different groups from one another, and which require to be noticed. The natives of the Samoan and Tongan Islands are a fine-looking people. They are generally tall and well-proportioned, with full, rounded faces and limbs, but without that grossness and laxity of fibre common in the Tahitians. Their features, though not always regular, are generally pleasing; and in particular, the forehead is remarkable for its ample developement, which, with the breadth between the eyes, gives to the countenance an expression of noble- POLYNESIA. I] ness and dignity. The people of Tonga are perhaps a little darker in colour, and of rather more hardy make than their northern neigh- bours, whom they otherwise closely resemble. Of the New Zealanders, the following description is taken from our notes made on the spot : — They are a fine race, evidently of the pure Polynesian stock, but inferior, as might be expected, to the indolent natives of the tropical islands in the regularity and elegance of their physiognomy. They have neither the round, swelling muscles, nor the soft contour of face, which distinguish the Tahitians and Samoans; but they are strongly formed, with hard, sinewy flesh, and bold, well- defined features. In complexion they are a shade darker than the islanders before mentioned. The forehead is often high, but slopes backward ; the eyes are rather small, black, and piercing ; the nose, which is their most distinguishing feature, is frequently aquiline, and so prominent, that its ridge forms a straight line with the receding forehead. Altogether, a New Zealander, in complexion, form, and profile, comes very near a North American Indian. Some voyagers have believed that they saw in the natives of New Zealand at least two distinct races of men, of which one approached the yellow Polynesian, and the other the black Papuan family. The latter, they say, are distinguished by their shorter stature, darker com- plexion, and frizzled hair. Our observations did not confirm the correctness of these statements. It appeared to us that the physical differences were no greater than are seen in every country between different classes of people, — between the well-fed, luxurious idler, and the half-starved, ill-clad labouring man. We saw many stinted forms and dark complexions among them, but no instance of what could properly be termed frizzled or woolly hair. The natives of the Society Islands are a handsome, but effeminate people. The difference between the higher and the lower classes is particularly remarkable in the taller stature and bulkier forms, fre- quently overloaded with fat, of the former. The forehead is of good height, but retreats, and narrows towards the top. The inhabitants of the Low Archipelago are a very dark-skinned race, with harsh, irregular features, sometimes short and thick, and sometimes aquiline and bold. Their forms usually indicate strength and activity, and the expression of their countenances is stern and fierce. The Marquesans have the reputation of being the handsomest of the Polynesian tribes ; and if we may judge from some individuals of 12 ETHNOGRAPHY. both sexes whom we saw at Oahu, this reputation is not undeserved. They were of the middle size, elegantly proportioned, with small and regular features. They lacked, however, the intellectual expression given by the expanded and lofty brow of the Samoans. The Sandwich Islanders resemble the Tahitians, though of darker hue. The difference, also, between the chiefs and common people, is still more strongly marked, the former being generally large, and loaded with flesh, while the latter are commonly rather small and meagre. The head, in this people, as well as in the other tribes of Eastern Polynesia, although broad behind, diminishes in width towards the frontal region, and appears as though compressed at the temples. But the characteristic which distinguishes the Hawaiians from all the other islanders of the Pacific, is a slight projection of the mouth, which produces or is accompanied by a hollo wness in the lower part of the cheek, and a peculiar pouting expression of the lips. We have not found this trait especially noted by any observer, with the exception of M. P. E. Botta, (son of the celebrated historian,) who visited these islands as naturalist on board the ship Le Heros, and has published his observations in the Annales des Voyages for 1831. He says, " The mouth is large, and presents in the form of the lips a cha- racter which would enable me to distinguish a Sandwich Islander among any people on the earth. The upper lip, instead of being arched, as with Europeans, seems square. The line which it traces rises straight up from the corner of the mouth, and then, turning at a right angle, becomes horizontal. It is, moreover, very near the nose, which is commonly flat and broad." In the course of our voyage we saw, at most of the Polynesian groups, Sandwich Islanders, who had left vessels on board of which they had served, and taken up their residence among the natives, adopting their habits and mode of dress; — yet we were always able to distinguish them at first sight from the rest. The people of the Union Group (Fakaafo, &c.,) resembled very closely those of Samoa, except, as has been before remarked, that they were of a somewhat lighter hue, a fact the more remarkable, as they live on a low flat coral island, only nine degrees from the equator. They are of good size, well formed, with smooth skins and little beard. Their hair also, for some reason, seemed to be thinner than usual, and some of them were partially bald. This circumstance may serve to account for the fact that among the articles which they brought off for sale were several packages of false hair, neatly put up for wearing. POLYNESIA. 13 At Depeyster's Group, ten degrees farther west, are found people speaking the same language with those of the last-mentioned islands, but of very different personal appearance. In colour, they are as dark as the New Zealanders. Their hair is thick and bushy, and in some slightly frizzled. They differ from all the other Polynesians in having abundant beards. Their skin also is rough to the touch, as in the Melanesians. For reasons which will be hereafter given, we are inclined to believe that some admixture from the neighbouring negro tribes has given rise to these peculiarities. CHARACTER.* The trait with which a stranger is first struck, in his intercourse with the Polynesian islanders, is a general gaiety and good humour, a desire to please, and a willingness to be amused, which are not only in themselves attractive, but which gratify us the more when we re- member the cold gravity of the American aborigines, or the sullen- ness and irritable pride of the natives of Australia. On the other hand, we find in the natives of the Caroline Archipelago, or at least of some groups in it, the same degree of good humour, accompanied by a real good nature and kindliness of heart, of which it is too often, among the Polynesians, but a deceptive indication. Connected, perhaps, with this is an extreme fickleness in their passions and purposes, a great susceptibility to new impressions, and a readiness to adopt new customs and new modes of thinking, — in which last characteristic they differ strikingly from most savage and many civilized nations. * Nothing is more common in the writings of many voyagers than such phrases as the following : — " These natives, like all savages, are cruel and treacherous ;" — " The levity and fickleness of the savage character ;" — " The tendency to superstition, which is found among all uncivilized tribes ;" — " The parental affections which warm the most savage heart," &c. These expressions are evidently founded on a loose idea that a cer- tain sameness of character prevails among barbarous races, and especially that some passions and feelings are found strongly developed in all. A little consideration will show that this view must be erroneous. It is civilization which produces uniformity. The yellow and black races of the Pacific, inhabiting contiguous islands, differ more widely from each other than do any two nations of Europe. The points of resemblance between the negroes of Africa and the Indians of America, even under the same lati- tudes, are very few. In delineating the characters of the different races of the Pacific, an attempt will be made, by contrasting them with one another, to show more clearly the distinguishing characteristics of each. 4 14 ETHNOGRAPHY. They are unquestionably a people of good intellectual endowments. Perhaps no savages have ever shown such a capacity and such a dis- position for improvement. Indeed, it is easy to see that before they were visited by whites they had attained a grade of civilization nearly as high as their circumstances would permit. A few thousand people, crowded together in a small island, without metals, with no large ani- mals for labour or transportation, and no neighbours from whom they can by commerce supply their deficiencies, must find their progress beyond a certain point barred by insurmountable obstacles ; and this point there is good reason to believe that the Polynesians had nearly reached long before their intercourse with foreigners commenced. They are, however, more remarkable for quickness of apprehension, and the readiness with which they acquire mechanical arts, than for their powers of reasoning. A sustained application soon wearies them ; and the levity of their disposition influences their intellectual efforts, as well as their passions and feelings. Their taste and inge- nuity appear to advantage in the carving of their canoes and weapons, in their tattooing, and the colouring of their cloths and mats. Their idols, which are made after an established pattern, and intended merely to inspire fear, give no proper idea of their abilities in this respect. Their poetical compositions show that they are not deficient in imagi- nation,— though, in this respect, they appear, strangely enough, to be inferior to their savage neighbours of the Feejee Group. A disposition for enterprise and bold adventure characterizes all the Polynesian tribes. They are a race of navigators, and often under- take long voyages in vessels in which our own sailors would hesitate to cross a harbour. Their insular situation will not alone account for this disposition. The inhabitants of the Melanesian islands, in circumstances precisely similar, are remarkable for their unwilling- ness to wander from their homes. Captain Cook found that the natives of Erromango, one of the New Hebrides, had apparently no knowledge of Sandwich Land, the next island to the north, distant about sixty miles. On the contrary, not only is a constant communi- cation kept up among the different islands of each group of Polynesia, but perilous voyages of many days between different groups are fre- quent. The natives may be said to be cosmopolites by natural feel- ing. Accordingly, no sooner do ships make their appearance in the Pacific than we find the islanders eager to engage on board of them, for no purpose but to gratify their roving disposition, and their desire of seeing foreign countries. And it is a remarkable fact, that on most POLYNESIA. 15 of the groups, natives of the highest rank, enjoying all the comforts and pleasures which arbitrary power could afford, have voluntarily renounced these advantages, for the purpose of visiting distant regions and increasing their knowledge of the world. The Polynesians are fond of fighting, and display in their wars a cruel and ferocious disposition. Indifference to human suffering is, indeed, one of their worst characteristics. It is exhibited riot only in war, but in their ill-treatment of the sick, the weak, and the aged, — the oppression of their slaves, — and the customs of infanticide and human sacrifice. Nor can we suppose that cannibalism would exist among any but a sanguinary people. Another well-known trait in their character is a gross licentious- ness,— the more remarkable as it contrasts strongly with the opposite disposition in the different races by whom they are surrounded on all sides. The weakness of the domestic affections in these islanders has often excited the surprise of their visiters, who have observed their ordina- rily good-humoured and social temperament. The conjugal tie is every where lax. Parents have little authority over their children, even when young ; and in their old age are generally treated with neglect, and often left to perish. Parental affection, which we rarely see wanting in any state of society, is in this race one of the feelings which exert the least influence. In some of the principal groups, as the Society and Sandwich Islands, infanticide, public and systematic, was practised without compunction or excuse, to an extent almost incredible. In New Zealand and the Marquesas, though not so general, it is still frequently committed, and not considered a crime. At Tonga, a father, when suffering from disease, seldom hesitates to sacrifice his child to appease the anger of the gods. It is not, of course, to be understood that cases of strong attachment among mem- bers of a family do not occur, — but they attract attention as exceptions from the general rule. A lack of conscientiousness is another unpleasing characteristic of the Polynesian islanders. Lying, hypocrisy, and theft, are hardly regarded by them as faults ; and there are very few who will not be guilty of them on a very trifling temptation, and often on none at all. In this point, the Australians, stupid and unamiable as they are, have a great advantage over them, — and so, to a certain degree, have the American aborigines. Cupidity is a universal trait in this people. The hope of plunder, 16 ETHNOGRAPHY. and of acquiring new possessions, is the motive of most of their wars; and it has invariably been found, that after the natives of any newly discovered group or island have recovered from the first emotions of fear, with which they regarded their unknown visiters, their imme- diate impulse has been to attack and destroy them for the purpose of seizing upon their property. The Polynesians are not naturally treacherous. This is by no means from a horror of deception, but apparently from a mere inapti- tude at dissembling. Their wars are rarely carried 9n like those of our Indians, by surprises and ambushments, but by fair fighting in open fields. If they have sometimes resorted to treachery, in their attacks upon vessels, it is only when they have learned by experience the utter inefficiency of their ordinary mode of warfare when opposed to the weapons of the whites. And in almost every case where ships have been cut off, it is worthy of remark, that those on board have, in some way or other, either by direct disclosure, or from the bearing and conduct of the natives, had previous warning of their intention. They seem nearly incapable of keeping a secret. The perpetrator of a crime is almost certain to be discovered by his own indiscretion and inability to keep silent about it ; political conspiracies are divulged almost as soon as formed, not through treachery but heedlessness. When their usual air of frankness and gaiety is suddenly succeeded by an access of ferocity, we are not to conclude, in most cases, that the former was assumed to conceal the latter ; each exhibition of feel- ing is natural to them, and not less so is the rapid transition from one to the other. But of all the qualities that distinguish this race, there is none which exerts a more powerful influence than their superstition, — or, perhaps, it would be more just to say, their strong religious feeling. When we compare them with the natives of Australia, who, though not altogether without the idea of a God, hardly allow this idea to in- fluence their conduct, we are especially struck with the earnest devo- tional tendencies of this people, among whom the whole system of public polity, and the regulation of their daily actions, have reference to the supposed sanction of a supernatural power; who not only have a pantheon surpassing, in the number of divinities and the variety of their attributes, those of India and Greece, but to whom every striking natural phenomenon, every appearance calculated to inspire wonder and fear, — nay, often the most minute, harmless, arid insignificant objects, seem invested with supernatural attributes, and worthy of POLYNESIA. 17 adoration. It is not the mere grossness of idolatry, for many of them have no images, and those who have, look upon them simply as re- presentations of their deities, but it is a constant, profound, absorbing sense of the ever-present activity of divine agency, which constitutes the peculiarity of this element in the moral organization of this people. The character here described is that of the Polynesians as a nation. But there are certain traits by which the inhabitants of the different groups are distinguished from one another morally as well as physi- cally. And in most cases it is easy to see that these diversities of character have their origin either in some natural peculiarities of the countries which they inhabit, or in their form of government. The New Zealanders, the Marquesans, and the natives of the Paumotu Group, are remarkable for their ferocious temper and addiction to war. In the first-named, the great extent of the country, with the scarcity of food, has caused a separation of the inhabitants into nume- rous petty tribes, independent of one another ; among these, constant occasions of dissension arise, which inflame to an extraordinary degree the naturally bloodthirsty and cruel disposition of the race to which they belong. In the Marquesas, each of the large islands has a high steep ridge of mountains running through it ; from this ridge, lateral spurs, hardly less elevated, and almost precipitous, descend to the sea-shore, thus forming several deep valleys, walled in on every side, except towards the sea, by a natural fortification. The conse- quence is, the existence, as at New Zealand, of numerous separate tribes, who are continually at war, and hence the fierce, sanguinary, and untameable character of the people. In the Paumotu Archi- pelago, it is easy to see that each of the fifty or sixty islands which compose it would be inhabited by a small but independent people, and that the same result would follow. Again, — on those groups which are situated nearest the equator, where the heat which relaxes the human frame calls into existence, with little or no aid from human labour, the fruits which serve to support life, we expect to find the inhabitants a soft, listless, and indolent race ; while a severer clirne and ruder soil are favourable to industry, foresight, and a hardy temperament. These opposite effects are manifested in the Samoans, Nukuhivans, and Tahitians, on the one side, and the Sandwich Islanders and New Zealanders on the other. In the two physical causes noted in this and the preceding paragraph, we see the source of the combined ferocity and sensuality 5 18 ETHNOGRAPHY. of the Marquesans ; traits in which they surpass all the other Poly- nesians, and which have hitherto rendered every attempt to civilize them unavailing. The influence of the political state of the islanders upon their cha- racter, will be exhibited in treating of the various governments of Polynesia. RELIGION — THE TABU. It is not intended to give here a complete account, or even a general outline of the institutions and customs of the Oceanic islanders ; only those will be mentioned which seem peculiar to the different races, and which serve to distinguish them from one another. Under this head must be ranked the institution of the tabu, which seems to be confined to the Polynesian race, except in those instances where it has been borrowed from them by some of the neighbouring tribes. The word tabu, or tapu, is used, like most words of this language, either as a noun, an adjective, or a verb. It may be defined as a law, or restric- tion, which derives its sanction from religion. The latter particular constitutes the only singularity of the system. Many of the tabus, or social regulations, are, no doubt, strange enough, — but not more so than we find among most savage and many civilized nations. It is the circumstance that these regulations, so multifarious and minute, are observed not merely as laws but as religious ordinances, and that their transgression is considered a sin as well as a crime, that gives to the institution its remarkable character. We are not altogether with- out examples of similar laws in our own code. Those which relate to disturbances of the Sabbath, and to the sanctity of the marriage tie, are instances of the force which human enactments derive from the precepts of religion. Nor are the Polynesians the only people who have been governed by such regulations. The laws of Moses, ema- nating from a divine authority, have drawn from that source a vitality which has preserved them in full vigour to this day. Among the Jews it is tabu to eat certain kinds of meat, or to offer in sacrifice any thing that has a blemish, — or to touch certain animals termed un- clean, &c. The Mahometan code, the work of an earthly lawgiver, derives from its supposed divine origin a force superior to that of any ordinary laws; — to those who submit to its injunctions it is tabu to eat pork and drink wine, — or to omit certain ablutions, — or to take food during a certain month from sunrise to sunset, &,c. The institu- POLYNESIA. 19 tions of Lycurgus are another example, owing their authority less to their own excellence, or to the rank of the legislator, than to the solemn oath by which he enforced their observance, and to the mys- tery of his death. With the Lacedemonians it was tabu to use silver money, to wear certain clothes, to eat certain dishes, and the like. These examples may give us a clue to the probable origin of the tabu-system. If the individual to whom the Polynesians owe their present civil and religious code, for such in fact it is, was one who claimed to communicate with divine powers, or to possess superna- tural attributes, his precepts would have, in the eyes of a people so strongly imbued with religious feeling, an authority infinitely supe- rior to that which they could derive from any other source. That such was actually the case, would seem probable from certain pecu- liarities in the language and customs of the natives. In most of the groups, the word aliki, (or ariJti, alfi, ari'i, &c.,) is the usual word for chief. In the dialect of New Zealand, however, which has retained many features of the original Polynesian tongue that have been else- where lost, the term ariki is applied to an individual in a tribe who is considered to have received, by hereditary descent, a peculiar rank and sanctity, entitling him to certain observances which are rendered to no others, and making his person inviolate in war. He has, how- ever, no authority whatsoever over the other freemen of a tribe. In Lee's, vocabulary, ariki is rendered "a representative of God, — a priest," and rvakariki, " making an ariki or priest." This, though not strictly correct, is perhaps as good a translation as could be given. In Samoan, alfi is chief, and va'ali'i, priest ; it seems likely that the latter was originally the same word with the former, and that the par- ticle va has been prefixed for the sake of distinction. In short, we may suppose that the author of the tabu-code was a person, who, in the original seat of the Polynesian race, united the power of a ruler and lawgiver to the dignity of a chief-priest, and per- haps of an inspired being. From the latter circumstance, his laws or tabus, whether promulgated as divine commands or not, would be received and obeyed as such, and would retain their force, from this cause, long after the legislator was forgotten. His descendants, find- ing the duties of their religious office less to their taste than the enjoy- ments of civil power, might, like the Eastern caliphs, devote them- selves chiefly to the latter, while retaining the name (aliki), and perhaps much of the homage belonging of right to the former. Such 20 ETHNOGRAPHY. seems to have been generally the case. In New Zealand, alone, the civil authority has been lost, and only the religious dignity retained. In Samoa, a separation has also been effected between the two offices, and a new word formed to designate the sacerdotal class. In all the other groups there is, properly speaking, no priesthood. There are certain individuals to whom the name of tufunga, (or tohuya, tahuya, tahuna, tahua, &c.,) is given, who take charge of the temples and images, perform religious rites, communicate with the deities, &c. Except when engaged in the exercise of these functions, they are not regarded as persons of peculiar sanctity, and enjoy no consideration whatever beyond that which springs from their personal rank and wealth, or their influence with the chiefs. The word by which they are called signifies an artisan, or one who follows a particular profes- sion ; a house or canoe builder, a carver, a tattooer, a director of funeral ceremonies, &c., are all called by this name, as well as a priest. Those of the latter class must, therefore, be considered merely as persons appointed by the real priests, — i. e., the aliki, or chiefs, — to go through the drudgeries of their office, with which they are unwilling to be troubled. But in refusing to exercise the ordinary functions of the priestly station, the chiefs have been careful not to renounce the dignity and immunities connected with it. The extraordinary personal respect evinced towards them cannot be accounted for from their civil rank alone, since it is nearly as profound among those democratic tribes, who, like the Nukuhivans, pay little regard to their authority, as under the despotic governments of Tahiti and Hawaii. It is tabu for a common man to enter without permission the house of a chief, or to wear a garment belonging to him, or to stand in his presence at cer- tain times, or to do other acts savouring of undue familiarity and dis- respect. The penalty does, indeed, vary according to the nature of the government. In the Marquesas, the offender would be mulcted of some of his property, by way of expiation ; in Tonga, this would be accompanied by severe personal chastisement; while under the iron rule which prevailed in the Sandwich Islands, death was the only atonement. A strong argument in favour of this view of the origin of the tabu, is found in the fact that on nearly if not quite all the groups, there have been, at a very late period, men who have been regarded by the natives as partaking of the divine nature, — in short, as earthly gods. POLYNESIA. 21 At the Navigator Islands two such individuals, father and son, by name, Tamafaingd, had, for many years, down to the period of the first arrival of the missionaries, held the inhabitants in slavish awe, and ruled them at their will, by the dread of their supernatural power. At the Tonga Islands, though it is not known that any person is actually worshipped, as elsewhere, there are two high chiefs, whose official titles are, Tuitonga and Veati, and a woman, called the Tamahd, who are believed to be descended from gods, and are treated with reverence on that account by all, not excepting the king, who regards them as his superiors in rank. In New Zealand the great warrior-chief, Hongi, claimed for himself the title of a god, and was so called by his followers. At the Society Islands Tamatoa, the last heathen king of Raiatea, was worshipped as a divinity. At the Marquesas there are, on every island, several men, who are termed atua, or gods, who receive the same adoration, and are believed to possess the same powers as other deities. In the Sandwich Islands, that the reverence shown to some of the chiefs bordered on religious worship, is evident from a passage in a speech of John li, (formerly a priest, and now one of the best informed of the native orators,) deli- vered in 1841, and published in the Polynesian, for May 1, of that year, in which he gives an account of some of their ancient supersti- tions. He says : " Here is another sort of tabu that I have seen, namely, that relating to high chiefs, and especially to the king. They were called gods by some, because their houses were sacred, and every thing that pertained to their persons." At Depeyster's Group, the westernmost cluster of Polynesia, we were visited by a chief, who announced himself as the atua or god of the islands, and was acknowledged as such by the other natives. This singular feature in the religious system of the Polynesians, appearing at so many distant and unconnected points, must have originated in some ancient custom, or some tenet of their primitive creed, coeval, perhaps, with the formation of their present state of society. There is certainly no improbability in the supposition that the lawgiver, whose decrees have come down to us in the form of the tabu system, was a character of this sort, — a king, invested by his subjects with the attributes of divinity. It is worthy of remark, that in all the cases in which we know of living men having been thus deified, they were chiefs of high rank, and not ordinary priests (tufuya), or persons performing the sacerdotal functions. 6 22 ETHNOGRAPHY. MYTHOLOGY. The religious belief of the Polynesians reminds us of the classical mythology. There is a small number of gods of the first class, com- monly not more than ten, who have various attributes. One is the creator of the islands, another the god of war, another of thieving, another the ruler of the region of departed spirits, &c. After these come a multitude of inferior deities, gods of the sea and the winds ; tutelar divinities of islands, towns, and families, with malignant sprites haunting the woods, caves, and desert places, whose delight it is to torment and annoy the human race. Many of the gods are said to have been men deified after death, or sometimes, perhaps, during life. The first rulers of a country frequently received divine honours. This was the case with 'Oro at Raiatea, Tangiia at Rarotonga, and Atea at the Sandwich Islands. With one, or perhaps two exceptions, there was no deity who was the object of worship throughout the greater part of Polynesia. The gods of Samoa were unlike those of New Zealand, nor did the latter country have the same objects of worship as the Society Islands. The eastern groups, however, (Tahiti, Rarotonga, Hawaii, &c.,) had several of their gods in common. Tane, Tu, Rongo, (Rono or Roo,) were wor- shipped in most of them, and appear to have been of Tahitian origin. The exception alluded to, is in the case of Tangaloa, (or Tarawa, Tanaloa, Taaroa,) who is worshipped in all the islands, except, per- haps, New Zealand. He is regarded as self- existent, and as the creator of the earth, or at least the islands of the sea, and of the human race. His usual epithet at Samoa is Tangaloa layi, heavenly Tanga- loa. At Tahiti and Rarotonga he is termed Taaroa or Tangaroa nui, great Taaroa. At the little newly discovered island of Fakaafo, the natives spoke of him with great awe, as " Tangaloa i lunga i te langi," Tangaloa above in the heavens. At Depeyster's Group the natives at first refused to pronounce the name, and then said that Tangaloa was sacred or tabu on their island. It seems likely that this was the original deity of the Polynesians, perhaps, before they left their pris- tine seat in the East Indian Archipelago. In the Tongan traditions, he is represented as living at Bulotu, a kind of terrestrial paradise, situated far to the northwest, and sending thence his two sons to people the islands. POLYNESIA. 23 Another name, more generally diffused than common, is that of Maui or Moui. At the Friendly Islands this is the god that supports the earth, and is the cause of earthquakes. Another name given to him is Mafuike, and by this appellation (Mafui'e or Mafu'e,) he is known at the Navigator Islands as the god of earthquakes ; but the deity on whom the islands rest is called Ti'iti'i Atalanga. At Tahiti Maui is, or rather was, another name for Taaroa, and was applied to him in the capacity of the god of earthquakes. He also, according to one story, created the sun and the islands of the sea; the latter, by dragging after him, through the seas, from east to west, an immense rock, (papa,} from which fragments were broken off and formed the islands ; after which he left the great land to the east, where it still exists.* In the mythology of New Zealand, Maui holds the same place, as principal deity and creator of the world, which is given to Tangaloa elsewhere. The natives often speak of two Mauis, the elder and the younger, Maui-mua and Maui-potiki, who are sometimes represented as the gods who created mankind, and sometimes as the first men. At Hawaii one of the ancient kings is said to have had four sons, whose names were Maui-mua, Maui-hope, Maui-tiitii, and Maui-atalana. The latter succeeded him on the throne, and the history says, that " He went to the sun and chased his beams, be- cause they flew so rapidly ; also, that he dragged with a hook these islands from Maui to Taula, towing them after him in a canoe ; and had those in the canoe landed safe at Hilo, on Hawaii, then all the islands in the group would have been united in one, but one of the party looking behind him, the hook broke, and the expected union failed of its consummation."! Here is an extraordinary confusion of the names and traditions of the three last-mentioned groups. Maui- mua and Maui-hope correspond precisely in meaning to the two Mauis of New Zealand ; Maui-tiitii and Maui-atalana, present, in the last term of each, the compound name, Tiitii-atala^a, of Samoa (the y always becoming n in Hawaiian). Finally, the traditions respect- ing the last-named Maui are evidently derived from those which pre- vail in Tahiti. Of the probable origin of this confusion we shall have occasion to speak hereafter. Tiki or Ti'i is another term of general prevalence, variously ap- * See Forster's "Observations made during a -Voyage round the World," p. 541 ; also, Ellis's Polynesian Researches, vol. i. chap. v. •f Mo'oolelo Hawaii, in the Hawaiian Spectator, vol. ii. p. 218. 24 ETHNOGRAPHY. plied. Ellis says that the Tahitians considered Tii and Taaroa to be one and the same being, but that Taaroa dwelt in the region of chaos, and Tii in the world of light. In other traditions of the same people, Tii is given as the name of the first man. Tii was also the usual word for idol or image ; perhaps, because the first images that were made were those of this deity, or of Taaroa, under this form. In Rarotonga Tiki was the name of the first man, who was supposed, after death, to have received dominion over the region of departed spirits ; a person who died was said to have " gone to Tiki." Tiki in Nukuhivan and Tii in Hawaiian signify an image. In the dialect of New Zealand, hei signifies an ornament suspended from the neck, and the compound term hei-tiki is applied to the little distorted images of jade which are thus worn. It has been seen that the reduplicate form, Tiitii, in Samoan, signifies the god who supports the islands, like Moui, in Tonga. It seems probable that the Polynesians originally recognised but one deity, who had different appellations, according to his different attributes and offices. As the creator of the world, he was termed Tangaloa; as the sustainer of the earth, (or, perhaps, originally, as the preserving power,) he was called Maui, and in the form in which he revealed himself to man, he had the name of Tiki. The meaning and application of these names has, however, been much confused, and undergone various alterations. The inferior divinities, who vary from one group to another, are generally supposed, by the natives themselves, to have been merely deified men. COSMOGONY. Two stories are prevalent among the Samoans with regard to the creation of the world, or, at least, of their islands. Both attribute the work to their great god, Tangaloa. According to one account, while the god was fishing, his hook caught in the rocks at the bottom of the sea, and in drawing it up, he raised with it the whole group of Samoa. The other story represents him as forming the land by throwing down large stones from the skies, from which his daughter, Tuli, (snipe,) made the different islands. She afterwards planted them with vegetables, one of which was a kind of vine, from whose stem a god, named Ngai, formed the first man, by marking out the body and members of a human being. In Tonga the first of these stories is the one generally received. POLYNESIA. 25 They add to the Samoan account that when the god Tangaloa had raised the islands to their present altitude, his hook broke and left them in that situation ; otherwise, they would have continued to rise until they formed one great land. The New Zealanders and Tahi- tians have the same account of their islands having been drawn up by a god while fishing, and both give to this god the name of Maui, which, as we have before shown, is but another appellation for Tan- galoa. The Tahitians have, besides, other stories, one of which, — to the effect, that the islands are fragments broken off from an immense rock, — has been already given. The word for rock is papa, which is also the name of the wife of Taaroa, and from this source some con- fusion may have arisen, as some of the traditions relate that the islands were born of Taaroa and Papa.* The Hawaiians, according to the Mo'o-olelo, before quoted, have the same story, that the islands were born of Papa, the wife of Atea, the progenitor of the human race. The belief, so generally prevalent, of the islands having been raised by a divinity, from the bottom of the sea, will appear natural enough if we consider the circumstances and character of the people. The situation of their islands, mere specks of land, surrounded by what must have appeared to the inhabitants an interminable ocean, and the fact that the Polynesians are emphatically a nation of fishermen, would be sufficient to suggest the idea. When the priests, to whom the religion and mythology of the race were especially committed, were called upon to account for the formation of the land which they inhabited, they would, of course, refer it to their great god Tangaloa, or Maui, and no other mode would be so likely to occur to them as that by which they themselves had frequently drawn up fragments of coral rock from the bottom of the sea. The fact that two or more stories are sometimes current on the same group, shows in what light they are regarded by the natives, — not as articles of their religious creed, which they are bound to be- lieve, but merely as traditions handed down from their fathers, which, though respectable for their antiquity, may, after all, not be true. Their opinions on this subject, therefore, differ widely from those which they hold with regard to the existence and power of their gods, of which none of them entertain a doubt. * Polynesian Researches, vol. i. p. 250, Am. edit. 7 26 ETHNOGRAPHY. WORSHIP. If we may judge from what appears in the eastern groups, the original form of worship of the Polynesians was no less simple than their theology. In Samoa, Tonga, and New Zealand, their divinities are regarded as spiritual beings, and approached only by prayers, invocations, penances, offerings of first fruits, libations, and similar forms. They have neither temples nor altars, nor, properly speaking, either idols or sacrifices. In Samoa, indeed, they had a few inani- mate objects of reverence, which were worshipped by a small portion of the population. Mr. Heath says, " A branch of bamboo, set up- right, with a bunch of cocoa-nut fibres tied at the top, was worshipped by part of Manono, a sacred stone by another district, and some families had roughly-carved wooden idols, as representations of de- ceased chiefs, to whom they paid religious homage."* In the latter custom, of preserving the effigies of deified chiefs, we probably see the origin of the idolatrous worship which prevails in eastern Poly- nesia. In Tonga they have a few images as in Samoa, but the chief peculiarity in their system is a certain kind of human sacrifice, which differs from that of the Tahitians in its mode and object. On the sickness of a chief, it is usual to strangle an infant belonging to the same family, — sometimes his own child, — whose death it is supposed will be accepted by the gods, in lieu of that of the sick person. In New Zealand there are no idols of any description, and the only approach to human sacrifice is the custom of immolating several slaves at the death of their master ; which, however, is done rather out of respect to him, and to provide him with attendants in his future existence, than for the purpose of appeasing the gods. In the eastern groups we meet with a wholly different form of worship, with sensual and shocking rites. In Tahiti and Rarotonga the word marae, which in the Navigator and Friendly Islands signi- fies merely the public place or lawn in the centre of a village, is ap- plied to certain sacred enclosures of stone, containing two or three houses, where are deposited the hideous idols which they worship, and in or before which their sacrifices are performed. In the Sand- wich Islands similar enclosures exist, but with the name of heiau. In the Marquesas the ma'ae is merely a grove, containing idols, and * Polynesian, vol. i. No. 18. POLYNESIA. 27 not surrounded by an enclosure. In all these groups human sacri- fices were common. The individuals selected were men of low rank, who had made themselves obnoxious to the chiefs or priests, and who were put to death as much to glut the vengeance of their oppressors as to propitiate the favour of the divinity. The native superstitions on the subjects of sorcery, inspiration, omens, apparitions, the worship of animals, and other similar matters, are not so peculiar and distinctive as to require a notice here. Their ideas, however, with respect to a future state, merit attention. At the Navigator Islands different opinions prevail. All believe in the existence of a large island, situated far to the northwest, called Puldtu, which is the residence of the gods. Some suppose that while the souls of common people perish with their bodies, those of the chiefs are received into this island, which is described as a terrestrial ely- sium, and become there inferior divinities. Others hold, (according to Mr. Heath,) that the spirits of the departed live and work in a dark subterraneous abode, and are eaten by the gods. A third, and very common opinion is, that the souls of all who die on an island, make their way to the western extremity, where they plunge into the sea ; but what then becomes of them is not stated. The rock from which they leap, in the island of Upolu, was pointed out to us ; the natives term it " Fatu-asofta," which was rendered the "jumping-off stone." Some one or other of these three opinions prevails in every part of Polynesia. At the Friendly Islands, that which relates to the island lying to the westward, called by them Buldtu, is the most common. In New Zealand the departed spirits are supposed to proceed to the northern end of the island, where, from a rock, called Reinga, they descend into the sea, and pass through it till they reach the islands of the Three Kings, a small cluster, about thirty miles from the North Cape, on which is placed the elysium of the islanders. At the Society Islands, according to Mr. Ellis, they supposed that the soul, on leaving the body, was conducted to the^o, or place of night, where it was eaten by the gods, — not at once, but by degrees, — and after it had three times undergone this operation, it acquired the rank and attributes of a divinity. They also believe in the existence of a para- dise, termed by them Rohutu noanoa, or sweet-scented Rohutu, which was the abode of the gods and of deified spirits. It was situated near a high mountain, called Tamahani unauna, glorious Tamahani, on the northwest side of the island of Raiatea. Rohutu may be a cor- ruption of Purotu. The Rarotongans, says Mr. Williams, " repre- 28 ETHNOGRAPHY. sented their paradise as a very long house, encircled with beautiful shrubs and flowers, which never lost their bloom or fragrance, and whose inmates enjoyed unwithering beauty and unfading youth." The name of the presiding deity of this abode was Tiki. At the Sandwich Islands the natives held opinions very nearly the same as those of the Society Islanders ; the spirits of the dead either went to the po, or place of night, and were eaten by the gods, or they de- scended to the regions below, where Atea and Milu, the first sove- reigns of Hawaii, had their kingdom. It should be observed, that in the dialects of all the islands, except New Zealand, the words below, keward, and westward, are synonymous. Those accounts, therefore, which represent the abode of spirits as a subterranean hades, and those which make it a terrestrial paradise, lying to the westward, have probably a common origin, and owe their difference to the dif- ferent acceptations of the same word. CIVIL POLITY. A very simple form of society exists in all the Polynesian islands. There are usually three classes or ranks, — chiefs, landholders, and common people. In New Zealand, however, the first is wanting, and in the Sandwich Islands the second. The relative powers of the three classes also vary at the different groups. On this subject it will be necessary to enter into some particulars. At the Navigator Islands the government is nominally, and in part actually in the hands of the whole body of alii, or chiefs. But their power is not arbitrary. The householders (tulafales} of a district are the recognised councillors of the chief, and he seldom takes any im- portant step without consulting them. It is not uncommon for a chief, whose course is displeasing to the people of his district, to be deposed by the united action of the landholders and the neighbouring chiefs, and another appointed to his office. The common people are, in general, the relatives and dependants of the tulafales, and have no direct influence in the government. Of chiefs there are three grades, not distinguished by particular titles, but by the terms which are used in speaking of or to them. Two or three of the highest, whose influence extends over the whole group, are of the first rank. Their near relatives, and the rulers of large districts form the second. The third comprises the petty chiefs of single towns, whose power will vary of course with the number of POLYNESIA. 29 their people. As an example of the difference of language above- mentioned, the expression " to come" may be adduced. Speaking of a common man, they would say ua alu mai, he has come ; of a tulafale, ua alala mai ; of a petty chief, ua maliu mai ; of one of the second class, ua susu mai ; while for one of the highest rank, it would be ua afiu mai, and the same expression is also used in speaking of a god. There is reason to believe that at some former period a monarchical government prevailed in this group. The title of tupu, or sovereign, is still given to a chief who, in rank, wealth, and influence, is superior to the rest — but more as a mark of respect, than as conveying any additional authority. Nor is it now hereditary, whatever it may for- merly have been. The government is carried on after a regular system, somewhat like that of a representative republic. The chief and householders of every town and inferior district meet frequently in council, (or, as it is called, afono,) to decide on all matters of public interest within their limits. The large districts are in like manner regulated by the governing chief, the petty chiefs, and principal land- holders ; and any matter affecting the entire group is determined in a general assembly, or fono, of the high chiefs, each of whom is at- tended by a tulafale, who acts as his adviser, and usually as his orator. The decision is not by voting, but by general consent, the discussion being prolonged until some conclusion, satisfactory to the greater part, and particularly to the most influential, is arrived at. Their deci- sions are termed tulafono, or acts of council. One of the principal prerogatives of the tupu seems to be that of convoking these assem- blies ; though, should he refuse to do so, when circumstances seemed to require it, they would undoubtedly meet without him. As might be expected in a government partaking of a republican form, parlies exist in Samoa, which, if not based on such important principles as those of civilized countries, do not yield to them in vio- lence. That party which has the ascendency is termed the maid, or strong ; the other is the vaivai, or weak — answering nearly to our " administration" and " opposition." The general government of the country is, in fact, conducted entirely by the former, though the chiefs of the latter generally retain their power in their respective districts. The head-quarters of one party are in the populous district of Aana, or the eastern coast of the island of Upolu ; those of the other, on the small island of Manono, which is only divided from this district by a channel about three miles broad. The two stand to each other very 8 30 ETHNOGRAPHY. much in the relation of Athens and Sparta in ancient Greece. The adherents of both are scattered over every part of the group. The inhabitants of one town will belong to the Aana party, and those of the next adjoining to that of Manono. The superiority of one party to the other depends upon its superior strength ; and this is determined, not at the polls, but on the field of battle. The last great " struggle of parties" took place in 1830. Tamafainga, the chief who has already been mentioned as pretending to the attributes of a god, be- longed to Manono, or, at least, to that party. Relying upon his sacred character, he was guilty of many acts of oppression and brutality towards the people of Aana, who, at last, outraged beyond endurance, rose upon him and put him to death. A general war ensued between the adherents of Aana and Manono, which, after continuing, with various fortune, for several months, resulted in the overthrow of the former; since which time they have been considered the vaivai, or weak party. The use which the victors made of their newly acquired power was appalling. The whole district of Aana, more than thirty miles in length, was ravaged and depopulated. Large fires were kindled into which the prisoners were thrown — women and children as well as warriors — and burned to death. The conquered district remained without an inhabitant till 1836, at which time the other party, having become converts to Christianity, removed the in- terdict, and allowed the fugitives to re-occupy their lands. It then became apparent that the form of government under which they live is not without its advantages. Had the people of Aana been an inde- pendent tribe, they would probably have been exterminated, as has fre- quently been the case in New Zealand — or, at the very least, reduced to slavery. But from the nature of their political relations, it hap- pened that nearly every person of note among the conquered party had some kinsman or friend in the ranks of the maid ; with these they took refuge after their defeat, and, except those who were captured and destroyed in the first flush of victory, very few were put to death. When we visited these islands, only three years after the return of the expelled party to their homes, Aana was the most populous district in the group, and few traces remained of their defeat, except their politi- cal inferiority. Another striking advantage of their system of polity is found in the freedom from taxation, and the general mildness of the government. The chiefs of the opposition dare not oppress their subjects, for fear of an appeal to the maid ; while those of the latter are withheld from POLYNESIA. 31 an arbitrary exercise of their power by the great variety of interests which exists among them, and by the fear of rendering some of their adherents disaffected, and thus strengthening the opposite party. Accordingly we found nowhere in the Pacific such a general diffusion of the means of subsistence and enjoyment, or so little difference in point of comfort and ease of life between the higher and lower classes. In Tonga the system of government is, at present, not unlike that of Samoa. When the islands were visited by Cook, Mumui was king, and possessed great, though not arbitrary, power. His son and successor, Tuku Aho, was put to death for his tyranny by one of his subordinate chieftains, — since which time the political power remains in the hands of the principal chiefs, though the kingly title is still given to a son of Tuku Aho. This title is Tui-Kana-kabolo, or Lord of Kana-kabolo, the district in which he is crowned. It is not directly hereditary, for the person who holds it can only obtain it by the suffrages of the chiefs ; but they usually elect some one of the family to which the last king belonged — either a brother, a son, or a nephew. The whole island of Tonga is divided into districts, each of which has a chief, who is nominally appointed by the king ; but this appointment must be made according to certain received usages, and must, moreover, be confirmed by the whole body of the chiefs. The official titles of these lordships are sometimes derived from the name of the district, as, Tui-Belehaki, Lord of Belehaki ; but more fre- quently they are distinct appellations, of unknown origin, — asVaea, the official title of the chief of Houma (whose proper name was, in 1840, Loloa) ; Ata, for the district of Hihifo, Lavaka for that of Bea, &c. In one view, the government may be considered as a kind of " family compact," — for the persons holding the offices and titles above-men- tioned address one another by the names of father, son, uncle, grand- father, and the like, without any reference to their real relationship. Thus Taufahau, in 1840, notwithstanding his great power and influ- ence, as sovereign of Habai and Vavau, was considered as a mere youth, a " grandson," by the haughty office-bearers of Tonga, and in a Arawa-party was obliged to seat himself at the foot of the ring, among the common people and chiefs of low rank. Next to the chiefs are the matabules, who are the same class as the tulafales of Samoa. Their power, however, is less, as that of the chiefs is greater, than in the latter group. The lower orders consist of muas and tuas (meaning literally, those before and those behind). The former are the relatives of matabules, who may succeed them in 32 ETHNOGRAPHY. their rank and possessions; the latter are the great mass of the people, who have no political rights. The condition of this class is as much worse than in the Navigator Islands as the government is stronger and better organized for the purposes of oppression. It is, however, milder than that of Tahiti, and infinitely preferable to the debasing despotism which existed in the Sandwich Islands. Habai and Vavau, which were formerly tributary to Tongatabu, are united under an independent government, with the same classes of chiefs (eiki], landholders (matabule), and common people (mua and tua). New Zealand. — According to the information derived from the natives, the inhabitants of the north island, which contains nearly all the population of the group, are divided into one hundred and four tribes. These tribes are classed by them under four general designa- tions. The Ngapuhi, comprising thirty-five tribes, possess the north- ern peninsula, down to the isthmus of Manukao. The population of this part of the island has been very much reduced by disease, and the devastating wars carried on since the introduction of fire-arms. The Ngatimaru — fourteen tribes — inhabit the coast from the isthmus to the East Cape, including the River Thames and the Bay of Plenty. The Ngatikahungunu, the most numerous of all, including forty-nine tribes, possess the whole eastern coast, from the Cape to the entrance of Cook's Strait. This is the most populous part of New Zealand, and that which has been least visited. Finally, the Ngatiruanui, comprising only nine tribes, are thinly scattered along the shores of Cook's Strait, and the western coast of the island, as far north as the isthmus of Manukao. Of most of these tribes the names begin with Ngati, Ngai, or Nga, as Ngatirengu, Ngatiarva, Ngaitama, Ngatipu. It seems probable that these are, in fact, clans descended from a com- mon ancestor, and that the names stand for nga tamaiti a Rengu, &c., the children of Rengu, Awa, Tama, Tipu. In expressing this opinion to the natives from whom our information was obtained, they agreed, after some discussion among themselves, that it was likely to be cor- rect. On another occasion, a native whom we questioned as to the country from which the New Zealanders were derived, declared that they came from no other place, but belonged to the land, like trees and stones. He said, moreover, that the first man (tupuna, ancestor) was Tawake. This was at the Bay of Islands ; and on referring to the list of tribes, it appears that that which inhabits the town of Koro- rareka, on the south side of that bay, is called Ngaitarvake ; it was POLYNESIA. 33 probably to this that the man belonged, and his assertion was true as regarded the particular clan of which he was a member. The names of some of the tribes begin with wanau, meaning " offspring :" as the Wanau-a-Ruataupare, offspring of Ruataupare, at Tokarnaru Bay, — the Wanau-a-Rongokata, at Turanga, or Poverty Bay. At present, the various tribes or clans are entirely independent of one another, nor does any peculiar connexion appear to exist between those which constitute the principal divisions, though this may formerly have been the case. It is possible the arikis once had a civil power united with their religious rank, and that in some cases this authority may have extended over a large territory, — though we find no positive indications of such a state of things beyond the general designations applied to a number of tribes, and the fact that the reverence paid to the ariki, as a sacred personage, extends frequently beyond the limits of the tribe to which he belongs. Not only is every tribe independent of all the others, but every freeman or rangatira in a tribe considers himself equal in rank to the rest. The class of chiefs, properly speaking, does not exist. But as, in every society, there will be some one who, for his superior wisdom, eloquence, prowess, wealth, or family connexions, will be acknow- ledged as the head and director, and as the representative of the rest in their public transactions, we find, in New Zealand, that every tribe has its rangatira rahi, a title which is sometimes rendered " high chief," but of which the more exact translation would be " chief citizen," or "head freeman." The office is not hereditary, though it will be easily understood that many circumstances will usually com- bine to retain it in a particular family. Besides the rangatiras, the only class is that of slaves (taurekareka). These are persons taken captive in war, or the descendants of such. They are considered to be the property of their masters, who may dispose of them at will, and put them to death without interference. This is frequently done, not merely in auger, but often from pure wantonness, or to indulge their cannibal propensities. On the other hand, the rangatiras do all the fighting, the slaves merely accompanying them in their expedi- tions, to carry their arms and prepare their food. The effect of this form of society on the character of the New Zea- landers requires to be noted. It has already been said that their division into numerous tribes, and the continual wars which result from it, have tended to render them ferocious and bloodthirsty. The general equality of rank among the freemen, and the absence of a 9 34 ETHNOGRAPHY. governing authority, gives them a strong sense of personal indepen- dence; while the habit of domineering at will over their slaves is calculated to render them haughty. These combined traits are all strikingly apparent, and they nearly overcome the disposition to frankness and good humour which is a general characteristic of the Polynesian race. The New Zealander approaches in character, as in appearance, to the American Indian. He is exceedingly proud, often sullen, and always quick-tempered. We have seen a common rangatira excited to fury by a little teasing, intended in perfect good nature, and which, at any other island, would only have called forth laughter and repartee. In the Society Islands, the three classes of arii or chiefs, raatira or landholders, and manahune or common people, exist, as at the Samoan Group. There is also a head chief, arii rahi, who is com- monly termed the king, but who bears, in fact, the same relation to the other chiefs, as does the rangatira rahi of New Zealand to the other freemen. His power varies according to circumstances, and depends much upon his personal character. It is never purely arbi- trary, and is sometimes almost null. The influence of the high chiefs, as well as that of the landholders in the government, is always very great, and the king seldom ventures to take any step in opposition to their united sentiments. The most remarkable feature in the govern- ment of this country is the rule which requires not only the king, but every chief and landholder, immediately on the birth of an heir, to resign to him his rank and possessions, and retain merely the regency (in case of the king) or the temporary control, until the heir has attained the proper age to assume the management. Mr. Ellis sup- poses that the object of this regulation is to secure the succession in a family, and to guard against the confusion and dissensions which fre- quently follow the death of a chief in the other groups. At Raro tonga there are, according to Mr. Williams, four classes, the ariki or high chiefs, the mataiapo or governors of districts, the rangatira or landholders, and the unga or tenants. The class of dis- trict chiefs, however, exists in all the groups, and though forming a peculiar grade of nobility, is not properly to be considered a distinct class from the other chiefs. The natives of the Paumotu Archipelago gave us the names of sixty-two islands belonging to it, of which thirteen, lying chiefly on the southern and southeastern border, were said by them to be unin- habited. The inhabited islands may be classed, politically, under POLYNESIA. 35 two divisions, eastern and western. The former includes Hau, or Bow Island, and all to the east of it; the latter, those lying to the west of this island, thirty-nine in number. The inhabitants of the former are independent, and still in their savage state, having little commu- nication with one another. Those of the latter are under the sway of Ngana, or Anaa, commonly called Chain Island. This supremacy is of modern date, and has been gained by conquest. When the other islands were first visited by ships, they were found inhabited by a numerous and warlike population. About the beginning of the present century, the natives of Ngana began to acquire a superiority in arms over the rest. They attacked one island after another, de- stroying most of the people, and carrying the remainder captives to their own island, where they became the slaves of their conquerors. In this way, thirty-eight of the Paumotus were completely depopu- lated. On the introduction of Christianity, which took place about twenty-five years ago, through the agency of native Tahitian mis- sionaries, many of the captives were allowed to return to their several islands, — remaining, however, under the dominion of Ngana, which they consider the metropolis. The number upon each of the subject islands is very small, while on Chain Island there are said to be three or four thousand. How it happened that this people should have originally obtained this superiority in war, cannot easily be explained. Their island is surpassed in size by several others. It has, however, a shallow lagoon, abounding in fish, which gives them a good supply of food, and the island is said to be a grove of cocoa-nut trees from one end to the other. The probability is, that it had always a some- what larger population, in proportion to its size, than the others, and being situated at some distance from the rest of the group, it was less exposed to sudden attack, and its people were more enterprising. As, moreover, they have always kept up a frequent communication with Tahiti, they were probably supplied with firearms sooner than the people of the other islands. The Chain Islanders acknowledge no king, but have several chiefs, who owe their influence to various circumstances of birth, valour, reputed wisdom, &c. The state of society bears a general resem- blance to that which prevails in New Zealand. The Paumotus are generally considered as under the Tahitian government, but the sub- jection is merely nominal. The Society Islanders, in fact, stand in some dread of their fierce and warlike neighbours. At the Marquesas there is less distinction of rank than at any other 36 ETHNOGRAPHY. group. There are certain persons to whom the title of aiki (or, more commonly, liakaiki] is given, but it procures them no power or influence beyond what they would otherwise possess. All that they derive from this distinction consists in certain tokens of respect which are paid to them, in accordance with the regulations of the tabu- system. The rest of the people are landholders, or their relatives and tenants. A general feeling of equality and personal independence prevails, as in New Zealand. There is, however, this difference, that the slave-class being for the most part wanting, the pride of superi- ority is not felt. The Marquesans have all the ferocity and all the free spirit of the New Zealanders, and are far more sensual and dis- honest ; but the sullen hauteur which we find in the latter is very rare among the former. They are, on the contrary, a frank, social, light-hearted people, very agreeable in a brief intercourse, but with few good qualities to attract on a longer intimacy. Besides the hakaiki, there is usually, in every tribe, a toa, or chief warrior, whose business it is to lead, or rather precede them to battle. But even there his authority extends but little beyond the right of advising, and every man fights or runs away according to his individual notions of propriety. In the naval branch of their service the same democratic principle prevails. Their war-canoes are large, and composed of a number of pieces ; each piece frequently has its separate owner, whose consent must be obtained before the whole can be put together. In the Sandwich Islands, before the adoption of their present written constitution, a peculiar form of government prevailed, differing from the rest in the absence of a middle class of land-proprietors. All the land in the group was the property of the king, and leased by him to inferior chiefs (hatu-aina, literally "landlords"), who underlet it to the people. As the king, however, though absolute in theory, was aware that his power depended very much on the co-operation of the high chiefs, they became, to a certain degree, partakers in his autho- rity. The power thus lodged in the hands of the king and chiefs was as despotic as could well be imagined. Any man, from the heads of districts to the lowest of the people, might, at a word, be stripped of all his possessions, and driven out a houseless wanderer. The conse- quence was, a degree of oppression to which nothing similar was known in any other part of Polynesia. It was a grinding tyranny, by which every morsel of food, beyond what was necessary for the existence of the labourer, was wrung from him to support the chiefs and their numerous attendants in a life of idleness and profusion. In POLYNESIA. 37 no other group was the difference so striking between the nobles and the common people. The former were above the middle height, and of enormous bulk. They became large, fat, and sleek, like prize oxen, and by the same process of idleness and huge feeding. The latter were small and thin, with a coarse outline of form and feature. Not less contrasted were the manners of the two classes. The deportment of the chiefs was haughty, bold, and commanding ; that of their sub- jects humble, timid, and mean. The chiefs were heartless and cruel from luxury, and the habit of undisputed sway, and their subjects, from misery, and the results of long oppression. The former sacri- ficed human beings by hundreds to atone for a broken tabu, and the latter murdered their own children to escape the trouble of supporting them. In short, it was, perhaps, as bad a government as could have been devised. The root of the evil was undoubtedly the system by which the title to all the land was vested in the king. According to the native account, this feature in their polity was the result of a voluntary renunciation of their rights by the people themselves. In the " Moo-olelo Hawaii" it is stated, that " in the reign of an ancient king of Hawaii, by name Pui-atalani, his subjects were frequently accusing each other, and he was occupied in adjusting their difficul- ties. At length he became weary of his burden, and said to his people, ' I am tired of ruling over the land, and will no longer have the care of it. It will be better for you, my subjects, to look after your own lands, in a way to suit yourselves ; and I will take care of my own.' They therefore managed their own affairs, but not long; for, perceiving that the country did not prosper under this arrange- ment, they restored it to their former chief. In this way, perhaps, the land became the chief's."* CANNIBALISM. The Polynesians may, without injustice, be called a race of can- nibals. In New Zealand, the Hervey Group, the Gambier Islands, the Paumotu Archipelago, and the Marquesas, the practice is or was universal, and is confessed by the natives with no apparent feel- ing of shame. In the Navigator, Friendly, Society, and Sandwich Islands, though not common, it was, in former days, occasionally practised, and (what is the most important point) was not regarded * Hawaiian Spectator, vol. ii., p. 438. 10 38 ETHNOGRAPHY. with any great horror. By some it has been supposed that this custom originated in the fury of revengeful hostility ; by others, in the cravings of hunger during seasons of famine. But the natives of New Holland, who are quite as ferocious as the Polynesians, and who frequently suffer severely from the want of food, are not cannibals. There is, in the minds of most men, savage as well as civilized, a certain notion of sanctity attached to the dead body of a human being, — a feeling of dread and repugnance at the idea of touching or dis- turbing a corpse, — which no effort can altogether vanquish. This feeling, however, appears hardly to exist among the people of these islands, as is apparent in several of their customs. It will be sufficient to mention two. The Polynesians do not, usually, like many savage tribes, torture their prisoners to death, nor are they wont, as a general thing, to preserve any part of the body of a slain enemy as a trophy, — though this is sometimes done. But it is their chief object, and espe- cial delight, to secure the corpse, for the purpose of practising upon it every horrible disfigurement which the imagination can devise. Mr. Ellis* relates several of the modes in use among them, and remarks that some are too revolting to be described. No other race of savages has evinced this disposition to the same extent. The other custom relates to the disposal of their dead. With most barbarous tribes, as well as civilized nations, the natural repugnance to the presence of a corpse is shown in the desire to put it away, as soon as possible, "out of their sight." The Polynesians have little or none of this feeling. In some islands, as Tahiti and Nukuhiva, the bodies of the dead are (or were) exposed on stages near the dwellings of the living ; in others, as at the Navigator and Sandwich Islands, they are buried either near or in the houses of their friends, and the skulls, and sometimes other bones, afterwards taken up and preserved as relics. At New Zealand, the body is placed on the ground in a sitting or crouching posture, and enclosed within the two halves of a canoe ; this is set in the midst of their villages, which are often made unapproachable to a foreigner by the scent of putrefaction. To a people like this, in whom the salutary awe of death is so com- pletely extinct, who are naturally of a bloodthirsty disposition, and whose religious belief has nothing of a moral or elevating tendency, there is, evidently, no restraint but that of custom to deter them from cannibalism. The practice may have commenced in some access of * Polynesian Researches, vol. i., chap. xi. POLYNESIA. 39 revenge, or in a season of famine ; but it is now continued purely for the gratification of a depraved appetite. On this point the testimony of the natives themselves is distinct and positive, and as they are aware of the abhorrence with which the act is regarded by the whites, there can be no good reason for disbelieving them. Of the four Oceanic races, the Polynesians and Melanesians are, generally speaking, addicted to cannibalism, while among the natives of Australia and Micronesia it is, so far as we are informed, unknown. TATTOOING. The custom of tattooing is not peculiar to the Polynesians, but it deserves mention, as affording a means of distinguishing the natives of the different groups from one another. The word tau, or tatau, from which "tattoo" is derived, is applied to it in most of the islands; in New Zealand, however, moko, meaning properly " lizard," or " ser- pent," is used, — perhaps in reference to the peculiar curves and spirals of which their tattooing consists. The mode in which it is performed is nearly the same everywhere. The colouring matter is a mixture of soot, or powdered charcoal, with water or oil. This is struck into the skin by means of a small implement of bone, resem- bling a piece of fine-toothed comb, fixed transversely to the end of a short handle, after the fashion of an adze. In New Zealand, instead of a toothed instrument, a sharp chisel is used, which renders the operation much more painful. We can hardly doubt that the custom was originally adopted from a sense of decency. The usual dress of the Navigator Islanders is a mere apron of leaves, tied around the middle of the body, which it covers only in front. The tattooing is applied also to the middle of the body, from near the waist behind, down to the knees. In front, however, the abdomen is free from it, except only a small patch over the navel. When asked why this spot was tattooed, they replied, that as it was the part which was connected with the womb before birth, they were ashamed to leave it uncovered, — showing clearly the feel- ing which had given origin to the custom. The general effect, at a little distance, is to give the person the appearance of being dressed in short, dark-blue drawers. The Tonga tattoo is the same with the Samoan ; for though their usual dress, which is a wrapper of bark-cloth, entirely conceals it, 40 ETHNOGRAPHY. yet in rainy weather, or when at sea, or obliged to wade in the water, they wear the titi or leaf-apron of the other group. At New Zealand the climate generally requires the body to be covered, and the face is therefore the only place on which the tattoo- ing would be commonly seen. As it is not needed for the purposes of decency, it is applied merely for ornament. The style which they prefer consists of numerous spiral and curving lines, drawn with great exactness, care being taken to make the marking of one side of the face correspond to that of the other. The breast and thighs are fre- quently tattooed in a similar, though less elaborate manner. At the Society Islands also, the tattoo serves merely for ornament. The body, from the waist to the knee, is covered by the pareu or wrapper. It is, therefore, above and below this that the marking is most elaborately applied. This varies a good deal, at the pleasure of the person tattooed. Perhaps the most distinctive mark is a number of parallel curving lines, which spread out on each side of the spine, as the leaflets of a palm from the stem. Heavy masses of black are also imprinted on the thighs and nates, though these are covered by the dress, — referring us, at once, to the Samoan origin of the custom. The Rarotongans, we were told, cover the body with chequer- work and cross-lines, somewhat like those of a Guernsey frock. The people of the Low Archipelago seem to have different fashions. Some were tattooed like those of Tahiti. The men of Anaa or Chain Island were thickly covered over the body, but not the face, with lines crossing one another, similar (according to a note made at the time) " to the checked-shirts worn by sailors," — consequently not unlike the mode of Rarotonga. The people of the eastern or inde- pendent islands (as Clermont Tonnerre, Searle's, and the Disappoint- ment Islands) had no tattooing or marking of any description. The Marquesans are tattooed from head to foot, some of the elder men being completely blackened by the abundance of the adornment. The most common style is that of broad heavy stripes across, or par- tially crossing, the face and body, with small intervals between them. But squares, circles, and various fantastic figures are also used. The Sandwich Islanders tattoo comparatively little, and in a per- fectly arbitrary style. It is common for individuals to have figures of animals or inanimate objects imprinted on some part of the body, but this is not universal. In former times persons frequently had themselves tattooed as a token of mourning at the death of a friend or POLYNESIA. 41 a chief; and some, by way of evincing their extreme sorrow, applied it to the tip of the tongue, in which case the operation must have pro- duced great pain. The women, at most of the islands, use this ornament very spar- ingly. The back of the hand is frequently marked so as to resemble an open-worked glove. Sometimes the feet are similarly imprinted, and at New Zealand the lips are so completely covered as to have the appearance of being painted blue. MANUFACTURE OF CLOTH. Many tribes, in various parts of the world, have the art of making a kind of cloth from the bark of a tree. That which is peculiar in the Polynesian custom, is merely the mode adopted, which is common to all the islands except New Zealand. It consists in peeling off strips of the bark of the paper-mulberry or of the breadfruit-tree, which are divested of the outer cuticle, and after being soaked for a time in water, are laid upon a smooth plank, and beaten out, by repeated blows of a mallet, to a substance not unlike thick but flexi- ble paper; sometimes, however, it is so fine as to resemble gauze. The strips are united by overlaying their edges and beating them together. The mallet used, called every where ike or fe, is a stick rather more than a foot in length, and five or six inches in circum- ference,— either square, or, in some islands, nearly round, and creased or channelled with parallel grooves from one end to the other. At New Zealand, where these trees are not found, and where, moreover, a better defence from the rigour of the climate is required, the people braid their mats from the leaves of a flax-plant indigenous to the country (phormium tenax), and also manufacture from it a kind of yarn or thread, of which they weave, by hand, mantles or blankets, which bear some resemblance to the products of a loom. CANOES. The usual form of the Polynesian canoe is well known. Its pecu- liarities are the outrigger — a slender log of wood lying in the water parallel to the canoe, to which it is fastened, to prevent it from upset- ting,— and the triangular sail of matting, broad at top, when it is drawn up to the mast, and narrowing to a point at the bottom where it is fastened to the prow. New Zealand again constitutes an excep- 11 42 ETHNOGRAPHY. tion, the canoes there having no outriggers, a peculiarity which is explained by the circumstance that the great size of the trees on this island enables the natives to make their canoes of sufficient breadth of beam not to require this contrivance. At the Gambier Group it is remarkable that canoes are unknown ; their place is poorly supplied by rafts, made of logs and poles lashed together, and propelled by paddles or sails. At the Friendly Islands, the proper Polynesian canoe is rarely used. They have instead a kind differing in one very important respect, namely, in being made to sail with either end foremost. When a Samoan or Tahitian voyager desires to change his course, or " tack," he shifts the sail from one side of his vessel to the other, and that which was before the windward side becomes the leeward. But a Friendly Islander carries his sail from one end of his canoe to the other, and that which was before the prow becomes the stern, — the same side remaining always to windward. The Tonga people say that they borrowed this model from the Feejee Group, where it is the only one in use. It is also found throughout the Micronesian Archi- pelago, and it is doubtful to which of the two western races the invention is properly to be ascribed. Many of the canoes are very large, especially the double ones, which are sometimes eighty or ninety feet long, and capable of carrying two hundred men. WEAPONS. The arms principally employed by the Polynesians are the club, the spear, and the sling. The club is generally made of some hard wood, and is about four feet long. In New Zealand only, smaller clubs or maces made of stone are common. The spear is used either for thrusting or darting, in the latter of which exercises the natives are very expert, though they make use of no artificial means for increasing the impetus of the cast, like the throwing-stick of the New Hollanders, or the knotted string of the natives of Mallicollo. It is remarkable that on none of the islands of Polynesia is the bow in- cluded by the people among their weapons of war, though they make use of it in their sports. KAVA-DHINKING. The only other custom upon which we shall touch, as distinctive of this race, is the use of a beverage termed kava or 'ava, a name given MELANESIA. 43 also to the plant from which it is obtained. This plant is known to botanists as the piper methysticum, and is found on all the high islands of the Pacific within the tropics. The liquor is an infusion of the root prepared after a manner any thing but consonant with our ideas of cleanliness. It is first chewed, several persons being usually engaged at the same time in this part of the operation. The morsels, as they are masticated, are placed in a shallow wooden bowl, and when a sufficient quantity has been thus prepared, water is poured upon it ; after which the infusion is strained through a mesh of the fibres which form the husk of the cocoa-nut, and it is then ready for drinking. The immediate effects are narcotic and stupifying. When drunk to excess, it is destructive to both the bodily and mental powers. The individual becomes afflicted with a general weakness and hebe- tude; the mind is obscured, the flesh gradually wastes away, and, in this last stage, the skin becomes covered with a white scurf repulsive both to the sight and the touch. It is not known that any persons die from this cause alone ; but many are, no doubt, carried off, while in this weak condition, by diseases from which, under ordinary cir- cumstances, they would have recovered. The liquor, however, may be drunk in moderation, without pro- ducing these injurious effects. In Samoa and Tonga, the " kava- parties," or assemblies of chiefs for drinking, are occasions of much state, and many ceremonies are practised in preparing and serving the drink. In the eastern groups, this formality is dispensed with, but the beverage is still considered one peculiarly appropriated to the chiefs, for whom the plant is usually sacred or tabu. MELANESIA. The race of Oceanic negroes, either pure, or mixed with other races, occupies the large island of New Guinea, with Arroo, Waygeoo, My sol, and the interior of the Moluccas on the west, and New Bri- tain, New Ireland, the Louisiade, the Solomon Isles, the New He- brides, and New Caledonia on the east. The western portion of this region forms a part of the East Indian Archipelago, bordering upon the large islands inhabited by the Malay race. The result of the constant and long-continued intercourse here maintained between the two races, has been to people this portion of Melanesia with a hybrid 44 ETHNOGRAPHY. variety called Papuas.* They are true mulattoes, of a reddish-brown complexion, with abundance of twisted and frizzled hair, which has procured them the epithet of mop-headed. They inhabit not only Waygeoo, Arroo, and Mysol, but also the eastern extremity, and most of the northern coast of New Guinea. All the vocabularies which have been taken of the dialects spoken by this people, show a greater or less infusion of words of Malay origin, generally much altered and disfigured. The southern coast and eastern extremity of New Guinea, and the islands which lie near it, are inhabited by real negroes. The only one whom we had an opportunity of seeing, was a native of Erro- mango, who had been brought by a trading vessel from that island to Tonga, when quite young, and had forgotten his native language. His name was Noai, and he called his island (or perhaps his town) Malekini. He was about five feet high, slender, and long-limbed. He had close woolly hair, a retreating arched forehead, short and scanty eyebrows, a small snub nose, thick lips (especially the upper), a retreating chin, and that projection of the jaws and lower part of the face, which is one of the distinctive characteristics of the negro race. His limbs and body were covered with short fine hairs, made conspi- cuous by their light colour. On his left side were many small round cicatrices burnt into the skin, which he said was a mode of marking common among his people. Placed in a crowd of African blacks, there was nothing about him by which he could have been distin- guished from the rest. There is, however, considerable difference among the various tribes of Eastern Melanesia, caused perhaps, in part, by physical influences, and in part by a mixture with their Polynesian neighbours. In Tanna, an island southeast of Erromango, we find a larger and stronger race, with a skin not quite so dark. On this island two languages are spoken, and we were assured, by good authority, that one of them was like that of Erromango, and the other similar to the dialect of the Friendly Islands. About five miles distant from the east coast of Tanna is the small island of Niua, or Immer, inhabited by a yellow race, of the pure Polynesian stock. This name of Niua is the same as that given to the group of Coca's, Good Hope, and Horn Islands, about fourteen degrees to the east-northeast, from whence it is * See Dr. Pritchard's Physical History of Man, page 22, for an excellent description of this variety of the human race. MELANESIA. 45 possible that the population of the small island was derived. If so, the Polynesians are, in this case, returning back nearly in the direc- tion from which they are supposed to have originally proceeded. The external resemblance which is found between the negroes of the Pacific and those of Africa, renders the contrast of their charac- ters more striking. The latter are gay, frank, social, quick of appre- hension, but deficient in steadiness and resolution, and prone to sensuality. The Melanesians are, in every respect, the reverse of this description, — sullen, shy, treacherous, indocile, stubborn, and of a cold temperament. A constant suspicion, the offspring of a continual fear of treachery, is displayed, not only in their dealings with stran- gers, but between members of the same tribe, and even of the same family. The Polynesians rarely carry arms, except in time of war ; a Feejeean (the most civilized of the Melanesians) is rarely without them. A lack of enterprise, or rather a strong aversion to quitting their homes, is a universal characteristic. Although the Feejee Group, the New Hebrides, and the Solomon Isles, have been, during the last forty years, frequently visited by ships, we know of no in- stance in which a native has voluntarily entered on board one as a sailor. We shall only notice here a few of the arts and customs which are peculiar to the Melanesians, reserving other particulars for the de- scription of the Feejee Islands. It is remarkable that the use of the bow, as a weapon of war, should be confined to this race among the islanders of the Pacific. The others sometimes employ it in their sports, but never in fighting. This is one of those facts which seem, at first sight, unaccountable, and can hardly be explained on the ground of long-established usage alone. The manufactory of a kind of pottery is an art common to nearly all the tribes of this race, and peculiar to them. The material is a fine blue clay, which is mixed with sand, and moulded by hand to the required shape. It is varnished with the juice of a certain nut, and hardened in the fire. The most common form is that of a large oval pot or jar, with a small circular mouth. This is set in a slanting position on a hearth, and used for boiling their food. They have also water-jars and small drinking vessels of the same material. Tattooing is seldom resorted to by this people, as the darkness of their skins would render the marking nearly invisible. Instead of it, they are accustomed to make, on the breast and arms, weals, or raised 12 46 ETHNOGRAPHY. cicatrices, generally produced by burning the parts with a pointed stick. Sometimes these appear as long unsightly scars, distributed without regularity ; in others, there are rows of small circular spots, in which the design of ornament is more apparent. A similar mode of marking prevails to a much greater extent, among the tribes of central and southern Africa. One circumstance, connected with the distribution of this race among the islands of the Pacific, deserves notice. The Polynesians are a stronger and bolder people than the blacks (not including the Feejeeans), and greatly their superiors in warfare. We find them in possession of three islands, Fotuna (or Erronan), Niua (or Immer), and Tikopia, which seem, from their situation, properly to belong to the Melanesians ; and we are naturally induced to inquire, how it is that the yellow race, after getting possession of these islands, has advanced no farther, though other conquests, not more difficult, so far as regards the number and force of the inhabitants, would seem to invite it. The reason is probably to be found in the fact, that in all (or at least all the easternmost) of the islands inhabited by blacks, the cli- mate is fatal to the races whose different organization is marked by a lighter skin. D'Urville endeavoured in vain to induce some of the natives of Tikopia to accompany him to Vauikoro, an island only thirty leagues distant, with which they were well acquainted. They were afraid that the air would kill them. The experience of that navigator proved that their fears were but too well founded. Within three weeks after his arrival at Vanikoro, forty of his men were attacked by the fever, and several died. In 1830, a vessel from the Sandwich Islands, with nearly two hundred natives on board, visited Erromango for the purpose of cutting sandal-wood. They remained there five weeks; and, so rapid and powerful were the effects of the poisonous miasmata, that only twenty returned to Oahu.* It is, no doubt, to this peculiarity of their climate that the Melane- sians are indebted for the unmolested possession of many of their islands. Fotuna, Niua, and Tikopia are not affected by the noxious influences, whatever these may be. They are small, high islands, — mere mountains rising out of the water, — and thus exposed, in every part, to the constant and salubrious winds of the tropical seas, — a fact which may account for this exemption. * Jarvis's History of the Sandwich Islands, p. 290. MELANESIA. 47 VITI, OR THE FEEJEE GROUP. This group is an archipelago of islands of various sizes, about one hundred of which are inhabited. Two of them are so much larger than the rest, that the natives do not apply to them the term "island" (emu), but call them by that which signifies " land" or " continent" (vanua). These are Viti-levu (great Feejee), and Vanua-kvu (great land). They are nearly equal in size, containing each about two thou- sand five hundred square miles. Viti-levu has, however, the greatest extent of habitable land, and is the seat of the most powerful states, most of the other islands being more or less subject to it. Next to these two, in size and importance, though far inferior in both respects, are Vuna and Kandavu, the former situated to the east of Vanua-levu, and the latter to the south of Viti-levu. They contain between one hundred and fifty and two hundred square miles each. The eastern part of the group consists of an extensive chain of small islands, lying in a direction from north-northwest to south-southeast. The principal are Vatda, Ongg6a, Vulangi, Kambdra, Namuka, Mdthe, LaMmba, Naidu, Thithia, Tuvutha, Mango, Vanua-mbaldvu, Kanatlila, Nai- tomba, Kambia, and Rambe. Most of these are surrounded by ex- tensive reefs. In the interior sea, between this chain and the two large islands, are several of considerable size, of which the most im- portant are Koro, Mokungai, Ovolau, Moturfki, Mbatiki, Naviai, Ngau, Moala, Totdia, and Maluku. Between Viti-levu and Kandavu are Mbengga, Namuka, and Vatulele, the first of which is celebrated in the mythology and history of the group. Finally, west and north- west of Viti-levu extends the Asaua chain, composed of numerous islands, the largest of which are Asaua, Naviti, Virva, Waia, and Malolo. This Viwa must not be confounded with another and smaller island of that name off the east coast of Viti-levu, and the Namuka near Mbengga must be distinguished from that near La- •kemba. Concerning the number of inhabitants in the group, the estimates differ considerably, owing chiefly to the diverse accounts as to the population of the interior. The lowest computation makes about one hundred and thirty thousand souls, of which the two large islands are supposed to have forty thousand each, and the remainder to be distri- buted throughout the smaller islands, nearly in proportion to their relative sizes. If, however, the interior of the large islands is as 43 ETHNOGRAPHY. densely inhabited as some suppose, the sum total would be increased by thirty or forty thousand. PHYSICAL TRAITS. The Feejeeans are a people of the medium stature, with nearly as great variety of figure as is found in nations of the Caucasian race. The chiefs are usually tall and well-formed, owing probably to the care taken of their nurture, and to the influence of blood. The common people are somewhat inferior, yet there are fewer small and ungainly figures among them than among the lower order of Europeans. On the other hand, the Feejeeans contrast very unfavourably with their neighbours of the Polynesian stock. They lack the full, rounded limbs and swelling muscles which give such elegance to the forms of the Friendly and Navigator Islanders. They are generally large- jointed, and the calf is small in proportion to the thigh. The neck is also too short for due proportion, and the whole figure wants elegance and softness of outline. Their movements and attitudes are, conse- quently, less easy and graceful than those of the Polynesians. They are nevertheless a strong race ; their war-clubs are ponderous, and are wielded with great power, and they can carry very heavy burdens. The Feejeean physiognomy differs from that of the Polynesians, not so much in any particular feature, as in a general debasement of the whole, and a decided approximation towards the forms characteristic of the negro race. The head is usually broad in the occipital region (which they consider a great beauty), and narrows towards the top and in front, — the forehead, though often of good height, appearing compressed at the sides. The eyes are black and set rather deep, but never obliquely. The nose is not large, and is generally a good deal flattened ; the nostrils are often larger laterally than forwards, and the nose is then much depressed at the upper part between the eyes. The mouth is wide, and the lips, particularly the upper one, thick. The chin varies, but is most commonly short and broad. The jaws are larger, and the lower part of the face far more prominent than in the Malay race. The cheek-bones, also, project forwards as in the negro, and not laterally, as in the Mongol variety ; notwithstanding which, the narrowness of the forehead at the temples gives a greater width to the face at the malar region than elsewhere. The whole face is longer and thinner than among the Polynesians. The hair is neither straight nor woolly, but may be properly desig- MELANESIA. 49 nated as frizzled. When allowed to grow without interference, it appears in numerous spiral locks, eight or ten inches in length, spreading out on all sides of the head. Sometimes these curls are seen much longer, falling down to the middle of the back. It is, however, very seldom allowed to grow naturally. The young boys have it cut very close, and sometimes shaved to the skin, like the Tahitians. In girls, before marriage, it is allowed to grow long, and is coloured white by washing it with a solution of lime, except a portion around the crown, which is plastered with a black pigment. After marriage, it is either cut to the length of one or two inches, or frizzled out like that of the men ; in both cases it is frequently soaked in colouring liquids, either red or black. The men in general have their hair dressed so as to form an immense semi-globular mass, covering the top, back, and sides of the head. The arrangement of this chevelure is performed for the chiefs by professional barbers, and is a work of great labour. Six hours are sometimes occupied in dress- ing a head, and the process is repeated at intervals of two or three weeks. It is probably to guard against disarranging this work, that the piece of bamboo which is placed under the neck in sleeping is employed, instead of the ordinary pillow. For the same purpose, the natives usually wear, during the day, a sola or kerchief of very thin gauze-like paper-cloth, which is thrown over the hair and tied closely around the head, so as to have very much the appearance of a turban. The colour of the Feejeeans is a chocolate-brown, or a hue midway between the jet-black of the negro, and the brownish yellow of the Polynesian. There are, however, two shades very distinctly marked, like the blonde and brunette complexions in the white race, besides all the intermediate gradations. In one of these shades the brown predominates, and in the other the copper. They do not belong to distinct castes or classes, but are found indiscriminately among all ranks and in all tribes. The natives are aware of the distinction, and call the lighter-coloured people Viti ndamundamu, " red Feejeeans," but they do not seem to regard it as any thing which requires or admits of explanation. These red-skinned natives must not be con- founded with the Tonga-Viti, or individuals of mixed Tongan and Feejeean blood, of whom there are many on some parts of the group. CHARACTER. It is not a little remarkable that though the Feejeeans are an in- genious, shrewd, quick-witted people, surpassing the Polynesians in 13 50 ETHNOGRAPHY. their knowledge of various arts, and having a more regular and arti- ficial system of government, they are yet spoken of by all voyagers as savages, and uniformly treated as such, while the Polynesians are regarded rather as a semi-civilized race. Nor can there be any doubt that this distinction, so universally and involuntarily made, is a just one. Yet it is difficult to perceive, at the first view, the grounds on which it rests. We shall be told that civilization belongs to the character more than to the intellect ; but granting this to be correct, we may still be at a loss to discover in what respect the Feejeeans are inferior to the Polynesians. The portrait which we have had to draw of the latter is by no means prepossessing. If the Feejeeans are ferocious in war, without natural affection, parricides and cannibals, there are few of the Polynesian tribes to whom the same description will not apply. That proneness to sensuality, moreover, which is common among the latter is wanting in the former, and the domestic ties are more sacred among them. The truth perhaps is, that the difference in the character, as in the physiognomy of the two races, lies not so much in any particular trait, as in a general debasement of the whole, — a lower grade of moral feeling, and a greater activity of the evil passions. The Poly- nesians seem to be cruel, dishonest, and selfish, rather because they have always been so, and no better path has ever been opened to them, than from any violent propensity to those vices. The proof of this is found in the fact that a very brief intercourse with foreigners has, in most cases, been sufficient to induce them to lay aside their worst practices, and adopt many of the improvements of civilization. But the Feejeeans are by nature and inclination a bloodthirsty, treacherous, and rapacious people. Their evil qualities do not lie merely on the surface of the character, but have their roots deep in their moral organization. In forty years of intercourse with the same class of civilized men to whom the Polynesians were indebted for their earliest instructions in many valuable arts, they have learned from them nothing but the use of firearms, — and though no visiter can have failed to express his horror at the customs of cannibalism, infanticide, and human sacrifice, not the slightest effect has been pro- duced upon the natives. The Feejeean may be said to differ from the Polynesian as the wolf from the dog ; both, when wild, are per- haps equally fierce, but the ferocity of the one may be easily subdued, while that of the other is deep-seated and untameable. One quality, however, for which the Feejeeans are eminently distin- MELANESIA. 51 guished, and in which they differ widely from the Polynesians, is their disposition to treachery, and, connected with it, their capacity for dis- simulation. During our intercourse with them, we had continually occasion to observe this trait in their dealings with us and with one another. They live a life of constant suspicion, no one daring to trust even the members of his own family. A native never leaves his home unarmed ; and the people in every town are constantly on the watch against a sudden invasion from the neighbouring tribes, however apparently peaceful. Their internal history, as related by them- selves, is full of instances of perfidy and treason. The group is divided into a number of independent states, connected among them- selves by peculiar relations, somewhat as in the little republics of ancient Greece. Among these states constant intrigues and machina- tions are carried on, and that with a degree of shrewdness and craft that frequently excited our astonishment. All the arts of that baser species of state policy which we are accustomed to look upon as the growth of a corrupt civilization, are thoroughly understood and con- tinually practised by this extraordinary race of savages. To weaken a rival state by secretly exciting its dependencies to revolt, — to stir up one class of society against another, in order to take advantage of their dissensions, — to make an advantageous treaty with a powerful foe, by sacrificing a weak ally, — to corrupt the fidelity of adherents, by bribing them with the anticipated spoil of their own master, — to gain a battle before it is fought, by tampering with the leaders of the opposing force, — all these, and many other tricks of the Machiavelian school, are perfectly familiar to the subtle chieftains of Viti. In treat- ing of the system of government which prevails in the group, we shall have occasion to show more distinctly the influence which this trait in the native character has upon their political relations. RELIGION. The Feejeeans, though not perhaps so strongly influenced by the devotional sentiment as their eastern neighbours, are yet much attached to their religious observances. Many of these seem to have been bor- rowed from the Polynesians, especially the tabu, (or, as they term it, the tambu,) which has the same force among them as with the others, though it is not, perhaps, of such universal application. Much of the Vitian mythology appears to be also of Tongan derivation. 52 ETHNOGRAPHY. According to the universal belief of the natives, the supreme deity, and governor of their island-world, is a being termed Ndengei. He is represented as having the form of a serpent in the head and one side of the body, while the rest is made of stone, by which he is rendered immortal. His residence is in a cave, in the mountains of Viti-lcvu, at a place called Nakauvandra, nearly opposite to Mbua, or Sandal- wood Bay. Earthquakes are supposed to be produced by the god shifting his position, — and one of the thimbis, or distichs, which the natives frequently sing in their dances, refers to this belief: — Vukivuld ko Ndeyei, Ndengei turns over, lavala a vanua. The earth trembles. The natives say that an earthquake is invariably followed by a season of fertility ; and they believe that when Ndengei is prevailed upon, by their prayers, to put an end to a famine, he does so by turning himself over, and thus causing the earth to shake. Scarcities they suppose to be produced by the malign interference of the inferior deities, who pray to Ndengei for food, until the trees are stripped of their fruits to supply them. No one knows the origin of Ndengei. He was first seen on the beach at Ra, in the form of a man, dressed in the native girdle of masi, or paper-cloth, with long trains of it hanging to the earth, as is the custom among the chiefs. Not being recognised and worshipped at that place, he went to Mbengga, where he was first discovered to be a god. But the land was stony, and he did not like it. He looked towards Kandavu, but would not dwell there. He then went over to Rewa, and took up his abode in that district. Soon after this, a powerful god, by name Wairua, came from Tonga to Rewa, and to him Ndengei resigned the government of that town, on condition of always receiving for himself the choicest parts of all kinds of food (such as the head of the pig and tortoise, &c.) After living awhile in this situation, Ndengei had an attack of leprosy, and determined to remove to Verata, which has ever since been considered impregnable. Here he resolved to be no more seen by men, and for this purpose took the form of a serpent, as before related. According to one account, the natives hold that Ndengei created the first man and woman, though of what materials they do not say. This story, however, is directly opposed to the general belief that the MELANESIA. 53 god did not make his appearance till after the islands were peopled, and that he first ruled, in human shape, over some of the towns, — a story which reminds us of the Cretan Jove. Thus far the creed of all the islanders is the same. All, likewise, hold that Ndengei has a son, who stands at the door of his cave to receive the prayers which are addressed to his father, and to act as mediator between him and the suppliants. But the name given to this son varies in every important district. In Rewa it is Mautu; in Mbau, Komai-navutherethere ; in Ovolau, Rakavonu ; in Mathuata, Rathinathina ; in Somusomu, Komai-natavusara ; and in Lakemba there are supposed to be two, — Tokai-rambe and Tui-Lakemba. In fact, except in the circumstance of there being a single supreme ruler over the whole group, the celestial government of the Feejee Islands appears to be modelled after the terrestrial. Each principal state has its own presiding deity, who is usually a son of Ndengei. The infe- rior districts are ruled and protected by subordinate deities, who are commonly grandchildren of the god; while every village has its own tutelar spirit, who is perhaps a still more distant descendant of the supreme divinity, though this is not certain. Furthermore, the same political relations which prevail between the different states, are also found among their governing deities. Thus, Somusomu, though to a certain degree independent, owns a kind of inferiority to Mbau, and may be termed a tributary ally. This the natives ascribe to the fact that at some former period the great spirit of Somusomu (whose polysyllabic name need not be repeated) met the great spirit of Mbau half-way between their respective dominions, fought with him, was conquered, and thereupon proceeded to the mbure, or temple, of his antagonist, and made over to him the town of Somusomu, giving him the tama, or salute, as a superior. This tradition probably refers to some victory gained in early times by the naval forces of Mbau over those of Somusomu. Besides the gods of districts and towns, they have others who are the deities of particular classes or professions, as Rokola, the god of carpenters, Rakavonu, of fishermen. They have also mischievous and malignant spirits, who are supposed to be the cause of the petty evils which afflict men. On Lakemba, according to Mr. Cargill, there is an individual known as Mata-kalou, god-seer, whose business it is to discover and thwart the machinations of these spirits. The office is held by but one person at a time, and is hereditary. The natives also pay divine honours to disembodied souls, particularly those of their 14 54 ETHNOGRAPHY. ancestors; and certain animals, as the shark, land-crab, serpent, hawk, &c., are considered sacred, and reverenced, not as being themselves divine, but as the property of divinities. There are still other deities whose offices and attributes are con- nected with the native belief respecting the future state of the soul. The most important of these is one who approaches to the vulgar idea of the devil. He is called by such as worship him, who are not many, Ratu-mbati-ndua, or the one-toothed lord ; others speak of him as the kalou kana, devouring god, or kalou tha, evil deity ; and in Lakemba he is commonly termed Samu-ialo, or destroyer of souls. He has the form of a man, with wings in place of arms, provided with claws to snatch his victims. He has a tooth so large that, as the natives say, when he is lying in his house it goes over the roof. He flies through the air, emitting sparks of fire, like a meteor. He is said to roast in a fire and eat the souls of men who are delivered over to him by the supreme divinity.* The general belief of the Feejeeans seems to be that the soul passes throuo-h two states or conditions of future existence before it under- O goes its final destiny, — annihilation. The first of these is a residence, for an indefinite period, in some place upon the earth, (termed thimba- thimba,) which is a kind of terrestrial elysium. Nearly every island and large district has its own place of souls. From thence the spirit descends to the Mbulu, or infernal regions, situated beneath the earth, where it remains until its extinction. In some places it would appear that the second stage is omitted, and in others it is placed beneath the sea. It is possible, however, that in these instances our information was imperfect, as we were assured that the natives generally believe in both the earthly elysium and the subterranean hades. At Rewa the word lothia was given to us as the term for annihila- tion, or the doom to which the spirit is finally subjected. At La- kemba, according to Mr. Cargill, Lothia is the name of the sovereign of Mbulu, under whom the souls undergo this destiny. The people of Vanua-levu believe that the spirits of the dead repair to a point of land near Sandal- wood Bay, termed Thombathomba, from whence they pass down into the sea, where they are received by the two canoes of Rokona and Rokola. When it is stormy weather, with thunder, rain, and high winds, the natives say that their canoes * The idea of this being has evidently been grafted by the Feejeeans on the Polynesian mythology, in which there is nothing of the sort. See elsewhere the account given of the evil spirit, as imagined by the Australian aborigines. MELANESIA. 55 are getting under way. Their destination was not stated ; but it is presumed to be a " city of spirits," which is said to exist beneath the water, in what is called the Great Channel (Ndaveta-levu), between Moturiki and Mbau. It is governed by a god called Tui-Ndaveta- levu. When the natives pass through this channel, they take off their turbans (sala) in token of reverence, and scrupulously avoid throwing any filth into the water. Many of their traditions, of which they have an immense number, refer to this passage. A very extraordinary part of the Vitian creed, is that which gives not only to the lower animals (or at least to such as consort with man), but also to inanimate objects, a future existence. Thus they have their thimbathimba ni kuli, ni vuaka, ni niu, or elysiums for dogs, pigs, cocoa-nuts, &c. These are usually on some inaccessible or desert rock or island. Persons who pass near the places appropriated to the animals pretend to hear the cries of the ghostly herds; sometimes they will say — "There is a great feast in such a place; — don't you hear the squeaking of the pigs that are killed and are coming to the thimbathimba ?" The paradise of cocoa-nuts for the island of Rewa is at the village of Longia, the chief of which frequently complains that he cannot sleep at night when there is a feast on the island, for the noise made by the cracking of the fruit. One of the most important of the native traditions relates to what is called the Waluvu levu, or great flood, of which the following account was given by Veindovi (the chief captured at Rewa), and confirmed from other sources. After the islands had been peopled by the first man and woman, a great rain came, and the waters began to rise. Then there came two enormous double canoes, commanded one by Rokona, the god of carpenters, and the other by his head workman, Rokola. They picked up a number of the people, and kept them on board until the flood subsided, when they deposited them again on the islands. One account gave the whole number that were saved as only eight, and stated that they landed first on the island of Mberigga, the people of which entertain a high opinion of their own rank and lineage, as direct descendants of the survivors. Veindovi said that in former times the Feejeeans always kept large canoes laid up in readi- ness against another flood, and it is only of late that the custom has been discontinued.* * This statement (which we heard from others in the same terms) may induce us to inquire whether there might not have been some occurrence in the actual history of the islands to give rise to this tradition, and the custom here mentioned. On the 7th of No- vember, 1837, the Pacific Ocean was traversed from east to west by an immense wave, 56 ETHNOGRAPHY. Another story, which has been, no doubt, derived from their Poly- nesian neighbours, refers to the existence of an island called Mburdtu, situated somewhere in the ocean, but in what direction they do not know. It is represented as a terrestrial paradise, in which every species of fruit is produced without cultivation. They do not, how- ever, like the people of Samoa and Tonga, represent this island (Pul6tu] as the abode of their gods, or the place from whence their islands were peopled. There is no regular hierarchy in this group. Every town has its mbete or priest, whose business it is to consult the gods when required, and to perform various religious ceremonies. In the capital towns there is usually a mbete levu, or high priest, but it does not appear that he has any peculiar authority over the rest. Neither is the office hereditary, or confined to any particular class. When a priest dies, some individual who possesses more than ordinary shrewdness, and desires to lead an easy, indolent life, determines to succeed him. He puts on a heavy, melancholy air, and pretends to dream of an event which is shortly to occur. He tells his dream, and if the event turns out accordingly, the chiefs and people begin to consider him a priest. By way of trying him, they bring him a bowl of kava (or anggdna] after the usual form, and desire him to consult the gods about some business in which they are engaged. If he goes through the cere- mony to their satisfaction, and the oracle proves correct, he is forth- with installed in the vacant mbure. The usual form of invocation is as follows. When a chief wishes to supplicate a god for the recovery of a sick friend, or the return of a canoe, or any desired object, he takes a root of kava and a whale's tooth to the temple, and offers them to the priest. After the kava has been brewed and drunk, the priest takes the whale's tooth in his hand, turns it over, gazes steadily at it, and then appears to be seized with a which, taking its rise with the shock of an earthquake in Chili, was felt as far as the Bonin Islands. At the Sandwich Islands, according to the account given by Mr. Jarvis in his History, p. 21, the water rose, on the east coast of Hawaii, twenty feet above high-water mark, inundated the low lands, swept away several villages, and destroyed many lives. Similar undulations have been experienced at these islands on several occasions. If we suppose (what is no way improbable) that, at some lime within the last three or four thousand years, a wave of twice this height crossed the ocean, and swept over the Vitian Islands, it must have submerged the whole alluvial plain on the east side of Viti-levu, the most populous part of the group. Multitudes would no doubt be destroyed. Others would escape in their canoes, and as Mbengga is a mountainous island, in the neighbourhood of this district, it would naturally be the place of refuge for many. MELANESIA. 57 spasm, accompanied by tremblings and involuntary motions. In this state of ecstasy he is supposed to be possessed by the deity, and what he says is looked upon as the direct response of the god to his prayers. A priest frequently pretends to receive some communication from the gods in his dreams, and then the people assemble to hear the message. By this device he obtains a drink of kava, and often a pro- pitiatory present, if his dreams are ominous of evil. All the people of a town frequently unite in offering a sacrifice to their tutelar divinity, to secure his favour and protection, more espe- cially from sickness. On such occasions the chief convenes his townsmen, and says to them, " Let us make a feast to the god, that we may not die." A tambu is immediately laid upon pigs, turtle, and some other provisions, to preserve them for the ceremony. On the day appointed, every man brings his pig or other offering, with a whale's tooth, if he has one, to the temple. Here the chief advances and offers his prayer in behalf of all, while the rest present their gifts. The priest takes the whale's tooth from the chief, and answers " Ke ndatou mbula vakandua," — We shall all live as one, i. e., without exception. He then supplicates the divinity to be propitious to the people, after which they return to their homes, leaving the provisions to be distributed at the pleasure of the priest. Human sacrifices are frequently offered by the high chief. They are generally prisoners taken in war. Sometimes, however, they are slaves procured by purchase from other tribes. As these, like other sacrifices, are to be eaten by the priests arid people, they are usually kept for some time, and fed, till they are thought to be in good condi- tion. The victim is bound hand and foot, and roasted alive on heated stones, after the usual fashion of cooking. The body is then taken out, painted as for a festival, and carried to the temple to be presented to the god, after which it is cut up and distributed to the people. These horrible offerings are made on many occasions, and frequently out of vainglory on the part of some chief. At those festivals when ordinary persons are expected to bring a pig, Tanoa, the old king of Mbau, always presents a human victim. When he launches a new canoe, ten or more men are slaughtered on the deck, that it may be soaked with human blood.* * From the Rev. David Cargill's account. 15 58 ETHNOGRAPHY. GOVERNMENT. From these atrocities we willingly turn to a consideration of the system of civil polity which prevails in these islands. We find here the same three orders as in most of the Polynesian groups, — those of chiefs (turanga), landholders (matanivanua), and common people (kai si). The distinction between these has nothing of the rigidness of caste, and there are many persons, such as the children of chiefs by women of low rank, who cannot properly be included in either of the three classes. The chiefs are at the head of affairs, but the real strength and influence of a state reside in the matanivanua, who are frequently spoken of as the " true owners of the land," (tauM ndina ni vanua.} Of the kai si, some are slaves, who have become so by the fortune of war, but the greater number are artisans and labourers, who work for the chiefs and landholders, and are supported by them. The group is not under a single government, but is divided into several states, which, though independent, are yet closely connected by various relations of alliance and policy, some of which are of a novel and peculiar nature. The most important of these states are Mbau, Rerva, Naitasiri, and Verata, on the east side of Viti-levu, Mba on the western end, Mathuata on the north side of Vanua-levu, and Somusomu on the island of Vuna. They are not properly speak- ing provinces, but towns, or, as the white men resident on the islands term them, " chief cities." Each of them has under it dependent towns and islands, which, in their turn, exercise sway over subject districts and hamlets. From this state of things, a system of politics has grown up, bearing, as already remarked, a striking similarity, in many points, to that which prevailed among the Grecian republics. Mbau, Rewa, and Naitasiri, are the Sparta, Athens, and Thebes of Viti. They are alternately in close alliance and at war. In the latter case, the policy of each belligerent is to excite the dependencies of its opponent to rebellion, either by bribery, or by holding out the prospect of relief from oppression. A similar course is pursued by each city towards the important districts which are subject to it. If these grow too powerful, and begin to aspire to independence, the governing power secretly foments rebellion among the inferior towns of the dependent state. Thus Ovolau, which is one of the largest islands subject to Mbau, is under the government of the chief of M E L A N E S I A. 59 Levuka, the principal town upon it. As this has an excellent harbour, it has of late been much frequented by shipping, and has become the residence of many whites who have taken up their abode among the natives. The chiefs of Mbau have watched with much uneasiness the increase of wealth and power which their subordinate has derived from this source, and, afraid to attack him openly, so long as the re- quired tribute is regularly paid, are constantly employed in intrigues with the chiefs of the smaller towns and districts on the island, to induce them to take up arms against their legitimate ruler, in which case they would call in the intervention of Mbau, and thus give to the latter an opportunity of weakening the strength of their too powerful subject. A like game is played with Somusomu, which, though itself a " chief city," owns, as we have before stated, a certain subordination to Mbau, and is said to be spiritually subject (ygali kalou). The real cause of its inferior rank is, of course, its inability to cope with the forces of its spiritual superior. This inability, however, has been diminished of late by an unfortunate step on the part of the present king of Mbau, whose name is Tanoa. About ten years since he became unpopular with the most powerful chiefs in the capital, and a rebellion broke out, headed by members of his own family. The king was compelled to flee, and took refuge in Somusomu, where he was received and defended with much loyalty, and thus enabled, in the end, to overpower the revolted party, and reassume his govern- ment. In requital for this great service, he made over to the chiefs of Somusomu the cluster of windward islands, of which Lakemba is the principal, which had previously been subject directly to Mbau. This great accession of power has so strengthened the government of Somusomu, that its allegiance to Mbau has become very precarious. While we were in the group, a quarrel broke out between Somusomu and the town of Vuna, which is one of its tributaries. Tanoa instantly seized the opportunity to join in the contest, taking part with the rebellious town, in hopes of humbling his formidable dependency. Somusomu thereupon called in the assistance of Mathuata, and the contest was raging when we left the islands.* * Captain Wilkes informs me that he has since received information that Tanoa, find- ing his attempt against Somusomu likely to be unsuccessful, suddenly made peace with it, arid fell with all his forces on the ally, Tui-Mathuata, burned several of his towns, and ravaged a great part of his dominions. This notable piece of generalship will give a good idea of the character of Feejeean policy. 60 ETHNOGRAPHY. Besides the relations of actual subjection and spiritual inferiority, there is yet another, termed mbati, which is that of a dependent ally to a protecting power, — such, for example, as that which the Confede- ration of the Rhine held to the French empire, and some of the states of India hold to England. Rakiraki, a populous town and district on the north coast of Viti-levu, is thus mbati to Mbau, — recruiting its forces in time of war, and receiving its protection when attacked. Another relation between the different governments is that supplied by the intermarriages of the head chiefs. A chief in one town, whose mother is a member of the ruling family of another town, is said to be vasu (literally, nephew) to the latter. Thus Tanoa's mother was the daughter of a king of Rewa, and he is therefore a vasu to that city. The influences and privileges which accompany this relation are very great. A vasu has nearly as much power in the state to which his mother belonged as in his own. In case of war with another power, he is sure of the assistance of his connexions, not precisely from the influence of family feeling, but in accordance with a long-established rule, which renders such assistance an imperative obligation. More- over, should hostilities break out between two states, in one of which is a chief who is vasu to the other, he can pass between the two with perfect safety, and is received in the hostile town with as much respect and confidence as in time of peace. It is evident that such a relation, singular as it is, must contribute greatly to lighten the evils of war among this quarrelsome and sanguinary people. Another relation, somewhat similar to that of vasu, though of less importance, is that of tau-vu. It has been before stated that nearly every district and town in Viti has its own guardian divinity. In some cases, however, it happens that two towns are under the protec- tion of the same god. A citizen of one is said to be tau-vu to those of the other, — which may be rendered fellow-worshipper. This con- nexion gives many of the same privileges as that of vasu. A knowledge of the internal divisions of the several states is also important to a right understanding of the intricacies of Vitian politics. There are usually in each large town two or more classes, or rather parties, among the inhabitants. Thus in Mbau these are the Kai- vale-levu (literally, people of the great house or palace), who form the king's party, and are especially attached to his service. The Mbati- tombi are the adherents of the family of that name, who formerly possessed the supreme power, of which they were deprived by the grandfather of the present king. The Kai-Mbau are the independent MELANESIA. 61 chiefs and landholders, who are not especially devoted to either family, and act rather for the good of the state, — or, in other words, for their own interest, which would be affected by either of the hos- tile families obtaining the undisputed pre-eminence. Finally, the lasikau are a body of fishermen, who were brought to Mbau from a small island near Kandavu, in order to keep the capital supplied with fish. Although they have no chiefs among them, their numbers and their close union give them considerable influence. Each of these bodies has interests which are, in some degree, opposed to those of the others, and it is by their mutual counteraction that the government is preserved from degenerating into a despotism. The other states, in making war upon Mbau, usually seek to tamper with one of these parties, and the attempt is often successful. Nearly all the principal towns have these internal divisions. Owing probably to this state of things, the form of government approaches nearer to the republican than the monarchical. The respect paid to the chiefs is great, but it is not servile. A head-chief will seldom venture to take any step contrary to the wishes of the great body of landholders, — otherwise he will run the risk of being deposed, or at least of a disaffection which, in case of a war, may lead to serious results. It is also the policy of the inferior chiefs and matanivanua to divide the supreme power as much as possible. There is generally an officer, who is termed the Vu-ni-valu (head of war), who is generalissimo of the land and sea forces, and commands in battle, even though the king be present. This office is commonly conferred on a high chief of a different family from that of the king, and one whose interests would lead him to oppose any attempt on the part of the latter to acquire supreme power. In the organization of labour, and the division of the various occu- pations, the Feejeeans are much farther advanced than any of the Po- lynesian tribes. In every large district there are towns inhabited by people devoted to a particular trade or profession. In one all the citizens will be warriors (tamatai-valu), in another fishermen (tunin- dau], in another carpenters (matai-sau], &c. They are all considered to be under the direction of the head-chief, who can, if he pleases, order the warriors to assist the carpenters, or the latter to fight, and so of the rest. Besides the principal professions, several others are practised by individuals. There are physicians (vu-ni-rvai), and mid- wives (mbui-ni-yone), who are said to possess considerable skill, and to understand many of the arts and specifics employed among civilized 16 62 ETHNOGRAPHY. nations. Hair-dressers (vu-ni-ulu) are numerous, and find constant employment in arranging the matted mass which covers the heads of the chiefs. The manufacture of pottery is a business followed only by women, who are termed lewa tunindau. Between the different towns belonging to the same state, as well as between the different states and islands of the group, a continual traffic is maintained. Some articles of food can only be produced in certain districts ; other places are famed for particular manufactures. The interchange of these articles creates an active commerce, which, next to war, is the favourite business of the Feejeeans, who are no less covetous than bloodthirsty. In the prosecution of this traffic, the necessity of a medium of exchange has been perceived and supplied, offering another evidence of the advance which this people has made in civilization. This medium is furnished by the teeth of the whale, and is the chief cause of the high factitious value which is given to them. In former times, the teeth were obtained from whales which were stranded on the numerous reefs in and about the group. At present they are procured from whalers, who find in them a cheap and convenient means of supplying their vessels with provisions. The number lately brought in has somewhat lowered their value, but a single tooth will still purchase a thousand yams, and with fifty a man is considered wealthy. As these teeth (called by the natives tambua] are comparatively light, will not lose by attrition, and may be cut into handsome ornaments, they have many of the advantages of the precious metals, and are no doubt as good a substitute as could be found for them in the islands. A large proportion of the commerce of the group is carried on by the Levuka people, who are said to be of Tongan descent. These were the original inhabitants of the island of Mbau, many generations back. While most of their warriors were absent on a trading voyage to Lakemba, a party from the island of Moturiki made a descent upon Mbau, and having obtained possession of it, expelled the former occu- pants entirely. The Kai-Levuka are now a sort of " broken clan," living scattered about among the various islands, and employed by the chiefs as sailors and traders. They have a chief of their own, who resides on the island of Lakemba, but he is not looked upon by the Feejeeans as belonging to the real aristocracy of the islands. When a Levuka man visits Mbau he is still treated with the best of every thing, as a sort of acknowledgment of his just right to the soil. This people, also, and those of Kamba, a promontory of Viti-levu, MELANESIA. 63 near Mbau, are those by whom the ceremony of inaugurating the head-chief of that town must be performed, and in consequence, he does not take, as might be expected, the title of Tui-Mbau, but is known as Tui-Kamba and Tui-Levuka. The foregoing observations will suffice to give a general idea of the political organization of the Feejeeans. We shall next advert to some of their most remarkable customs, and especially to such as display the peculiar character of the people. The institution of the tambu, which has already been noticed, as well as the ceremonies connected with the drinking of kava, although among those which first attract attention, from their frequent occurrence, are yet so similar to what they are in the Polynesian islands, (and especially in Samoa and Tonga,) that a particular account of them is not necessary. Tattoo- ing (which is called ~ggla) is another custom to which the same observation will apply ; but it is remarkable that while, among the Polynesians, it is the men who are chiefly tattooed, in these islands, on the contrary, the women only are subjected to the operation, and the men are, with few exceptions, entirely exempt. The marks are imprinted in a broad band around the loins and thighs. As they are almost entirely covered by the liku or cincture, and as the colour is hardly perceptible on their dusky skins, it is difficult to comprehend the object of the custom. The tattooers are always females, who make it a regular profession (lerva vei-ygfa), and are paid for their labour. The immolation of women at the burial of a chief has been thought to afford an evidence of connexion between these islands and some Asiatic nations. However this may be, the fact itself is sufficiently striking. The reason assigned for the custom by the natives is con- nected with their belief concerning the destiny of the soul. As the disembodied spirit of the chief is supposed, before it finally descends to the Mbulu or hades, to dwell for a time in the thimbathimba, which is usually some district or island near his original home, and to be there engaged in occupations similar to those which he followed during life, the natives consider that the wife, in accompanying him to this residence, is merely doing her duty towards her companion, who, without her, would be living a lonely and cheerless existence. The following account of the ceremonies at the burial of a chief was received from Mr. Cargill, who had been an eye-witness to them a few months before our arrival. When a dying man is near his end, his friends place in his hands 64 ETHNOGRAPHY. a whale's tooth, which he will need to throw at a tree standing in the way to the regions of the dead ; and they believe that to hit this tree is an omen of future happiness. As soon as the breath is departed, the friends and attendants of the deceased fill the air with cries and lamentations. The grave-diggers are sent for to wash the body, they being the only persons who can touch it without being subjected to a tambu for several months. When washed, it is laid out on a couch of mats and cloth, and carefully wiped, after which they proceed to dress and decorate it as for a festival. The corpse is first anointed with oil, and then the upper part, including the face, the arms down to the elbows, the neck and breast, is daubed with a black substance resembling soot. A white bandage of paper-cloth is wound round the head, and tied on the temple in a graceful knot. A club is put in the hand and laid across the breast, that he may appear as a chief and warrior in the next world. The body being thus equipped and laid on a new bier, the friends of the deceased, and the chiefs of the different tribes or clans in the town assemble around it ; each tribe presents a whale's tooth, and the chief or spokesman, holding it in his hand, says: — "This is our offering to the dead; we are poor, and cannot find riches." All the persons present then clap their hands, and the king or a chief of rank replies, " Ai mumundui ni mate" (the end of death), — to which the people respond, " Mana, e ndina /" (Amen ! it is true !) The female friends then approach and kiss the corpse ; after which any one of his wives who wishes to die with him hastens to her brother or nearest relative, and says, — " I desire to die, that I may accompany my husband to the land of spirits; love me, and make haste and strangle me, that I may overtake him." Her friends applaud her resolution, and aid her to adorn her person to the best advantage. She is then seated in the lap of a woman, while another holds her head and stops her nostrils, that she may not breathe through them. The noose is then put round her neck, and four or five strong men pulling at each end of the cord, her struggles are soon over. The noose is then tied fast, and remains so until the friends of her husband present a whale's tooth to her brother, saying — " This is the untying of the cord of strangulation." The knot is then slipped, and the cord left loose around her neck. The grave-diggers now commence their labour. The first earth taken up is called " sacred earth," and laid on one side. When the grave is completed, the corpse of the chief is laid in it, with the MELANESIA. 65 bodies of two of his wives, one on each side, their right and left hands respectively being laid upon his breast. All three are then wrapped up together in numerous rolls of native cloth, and the grave is filled in upon them. The " sacred earth" is laid upon the top, and over this a stone (usually a small block of basalt) is set up to mark the spot. The custom of voluntary suicide on the part of the old men, which is among their most extraordinary usages, is also connected with their superstitions respecting a future life. They believe that persons enter upon the delights of their elysium with the same faculties, mental and physical, that they possess at the hour of death, in short, that the spiritual life commences where the corporeal existence terminates. With these views, it is natural that they should desire to pass through this change before their mental and bodily powers are so enfeebled by age as to deprive them of the capacity for enjoyment. To this motive must be added the contempt which attaches to physical weakness among a nation of warriors, and the wrongs and insults which await those who are no longer able to protect themselves. When, therefore, a man finds his strength declining with the advance of age, and feels that he will soon be unequal to discharge the duties of this life, and to partake in the pleasures of that which is to come, he calls together his relations, and tells them that he is now worn out and useless, that he sees they are all ashamed of him, and that he has determined to be buried. Thereupon they hold a consultation, and if they think proper to comply with his request, they fix a time for the ceremony, which is always preceded by a farewell feast (mburua). When the day arrives, he attends the banquet, and then walks to the spot where he desires to be buried, and marks out his grave. When they are digging it, he paints himself, puts on a clean girdle and turban, and when it is ready, is assisted by the workmen into his last resting-place. His wife, if he has one, is strangled and buried beside him. His friends and relatives then raise loud lamentations, weeping and cutting themselves as at a funeral, and all go to him in succession to give him a last kiss. He is then covered up with rolls of cloth, which are laid loosely over his face, so that he may not be immediately smothered. Then they throw in the earth, which they stamp down every where, except over his head. He is not buried so deep but that they can sometimes hear him speak, although they cannot distinguish the words. They then retire, and are tambu for some time, as usual after a burial. The following night, his son goes 17 66 ETHNOGRAPHY. privately to the grave and lays on it a piece of kava-root, which is called the vei-tata, or farewell. This, it should be observed, is not the only occasion when the natives resort to suicide. Spite in the men, and disappointed love in the women, frequently excite them to destroy their lives. A precipi- tous rock near the town of Levuka, on Ovolau, had the same reputa- tion with the famed steep of Leucadia, as a last resource of despairing lovers. The love of life seems to be weaker than common in the minds of these islanders. A slight disgust, — a momentary offence taken at the conduct of another person, — often suffice to make them weary of existence. " It is easier to die than to bear this," is an expression frequently heard, and not seldom followed by the threat- ened act. Another singular custom which we find in these islands, is that of cutting off one of their fingers, either as a token of mourning at the loss of a friend, or to propitiate the wrath of a superior. In the former case, the mutilation is in general less an evidence of grief than of covetousness ; every one who thus maims himself expects to receive, in return, from the friends of the deceased, a considerable present, which is called vakamamatha ni ndra, — the drying of blood. For this reason, parents frequently cut off the little fingers of their children, much against the will of the latter. When a chief is offended with any among his subjects, and threatens them with punishment, they sometimes, if he proves inex- orable to their prayers, have recourse to the singular expedient of cutting off their little fingers (and sometimes the third), which they stick all together in the cleft of a bamboo, and present it to him. This extraordinary offering usually has the desired effect. The ceremonies at the birth of a child have little that is remarkable, though they partake of the peculiarities which characterize most of their customs. As soon as the child is born, a quantity of provisions is cooked and distributed among the friends of the family. At the end of four days the friends come to kiss the child, and a feast (called vakambongivd) is made for them by the parents. At the end of ten days, another feast (vakambongitini) is made, and the matter is over. The child is named immediately after birth, either by the father, or by the priest. If this is not done, the mother becomes disgusted with it, and strangles it, — saying that it is a luveniale (outcast). Names, which are always significative, are frequently changed, and an individual sometimes has several in the course of his life. With MELANESIA. 67 the chiefs, these new names answer for so many titles of nobility. Tanoa (kava-bov/l) was the original name of the present king of Mbau. He afterwards acquired that of Ndrendre-ni-ak, literally, diffi- cult to throw away, — which was explained from the fact that in one of his warlike expeditions he slew so many of his enemies that his people had some difficulty in disposing of the dead bodies. His third name was obtained in an attack upon Verata, in which he destroyed many of their canoes by fire, and was thenceforward known as Viso- wangga, or canoe-burner. A chief or landholder frequently receives his title from the name of his house, as noble families in Europe are named from their estates. Thus a chief of Mbau, whose proper ap- pellation was Veikoso, having had a house called Nggara-ni-kuli (lite- rally, dog's cave), was usually spoken of under the respectable title of Ko-mai-na-nggara-ni-kuli, — He of the dog's cave. The taking of a certain fish or sea-slug, is attended with some sin- gular rites, and is important as connected with the diversions of the year, not only in this group, but also in some of the Polynesian islands. This animal, which is called mbaldlo, is described as some- what resembling in shape a large centipede, being about three inches long, with a soft and gelatinous body, and innumerable legs. It is taken only on a single day in the year, usually in the latter part of November, when it makes its appearance, at a certain period in the last quarter of the moon, and at the time of "young flood" in the morning. The fish come out in dense swarms from holes in the coral, and spread out on the surface of the water. A bushel or more are sometimes caught from a single hole, by scooping them up as they ascend. As they will keep but a few days, they must be eaten with- out delay, and the day of their appearance is the commencement of a general feast at those places where they are taken. For four days no warfare is carried on, and a tambu is laid to prevent noise or distur- bance of any kind. No labour must be done, and no person must be seen outside of his house. In Ovolau, the ceremony begins as soon as the mbaldlo is brought in, by a matanivanua ascending a tree, and invoking the kalou ni langi (spirit of the skies) to be favourable to them throughout the year, — grant them fine weather, fair winds, &c., — ending his prayer with the words sa oti ! sa oti ! sa oti ! (it is finished.) Thereupon a tremendous clatter, with drumming and shouting, is raised by all the people inside of the houses for about half an hour, and then a dead quiet ensues for four days, during which they are feasting on the mbaldlo. If in any dwelling a noise is made, 68 ETHNOGRAPHY. as by a child crying, a forfeit (orf) is immediately exacted by the chief, — usually some article of food to be eaten at the council-house. Besides the appearance of the mbaldlo, the natives have few means of determining with exactness the progress of time. Indeed, they pay little attention to this, and we were unable to obtain from several to whom we applied, the names of the months in their regular series. The following are those which are given by the missionaries as in use at Lakemba, but several of them are unknown in other parts of the group. Sese-ni-ngasdu-lailai, . . February, . . (se-ni-ngasau, flower of the reed.) Sese-ni-ngasdu-levu, . . March. Vulai-mbolambota, . . . April, . . . (mbota, to share out, distribute.) Vulai-kelikeli, .... May, . . . (keli, to dig.) Vulai-werewere, .... June, . . . (were, to till the ground.) Kawakatangare, .... July. Kawawaka-lailai, . . . August. Kawawaka-levu, .... September. Mbalolo-lailai, .... October. Mbalolo-levu, November. Nunga-lailai, .... December, . . (Nunga, a kind of fish.) Nunga-levu, January. The Feejeeans know nothing of astronomy, and have not even names for the most important constellations. They call the morning and evening stars vola-singa and vola-mbongi, literally, marking-day, and marking-night ; but they do not distinguish between the planets and the fixed stars. Their ignorance on this subject is probably to be ascribed to the fact that they never undertake voyages beyond the limits of their group. Though good sailors, they are bad navigators, in the technical sense of the term. In this respect they are far sur- passed by the Polynesians, though the latter (with the exception of the Tongans, who have learned the art from the Feejeeans) are inferior to them in the construction and size of their canoes. These natives are somewhat remarkable for their industry. The desire for the acquisition of property which is so conspicuous a trait in their character, induces them to give more attention to the means by which this may be accomplished than is usual among the careless and light-hearted Polynesians. They also pay much attention to cleanliness, being accustomed to bathe frequently, and rub their bodies with cocoa-nut oil, a practice which has a beneficial effect, in that climate, by checking the perspiration which would otherwise be MICRONESIA. 69 excessive and debilitating. The following order of daily avocations is pretty regularly observed. When they rise in the morning, which is commonly before the sun, the men first repair to the mbure (town-house or temple) to drink kava. They either wash themselves all over, or at least rinse their mouths, before they join in the drinking. They then go to their plantations of yams and taro, or to any other work in which they may be engaged, and remain there until the sun becomes too hot for com- fort, when they return home and take their first meal, called katalau ; this is usually about nine or ten o'clock. During the heat of the day they lounge about, doing light jobs, talking or sleeping. Towards night, if they feel industrious, they return to their plantations. Other- wise they dress in a clean girdle, wash and oil themselves, powder their hair with ashes, and stroll about the village, chatting with their friends until the dusk of the evening, which is the usual time of retiring. Sometimes in the afternoon they repair to the rara ni meke, public place for dancing, — and join in a dance ; or to the rara ni tingga, — place of games, — which is an oblong level space, two hundred yards long by ten wide, where they play at the game called tingga, — some- thing between quoits and cricket. It is played by two parties, one against the other. The implement used is a stiff reed, between three and four feet long, having on its head a heavy knob of iron-wood. This is darted head foremost, from one end of the rara towards the other, the object being to throw it to the greatest possible distance. It is not sent all the way through the air, but slides and bounds along the ground. The game is a very exciting one. Several towns some- times engage in it at once, the vanquished of one day being bound to find provisions for the next. The passions of the combatants are sometimes wrought up so highly that quarrels and bloodshed ensue. A good player, (ndau-tingga,) enjoys almost as much estimation throughout the islands as a great warrior. MICRONESIA. / This " region of small islands," as it is very appropriately desig- nated, extends between the meridians of 132° E. and 178° W., and between the parallels of 21° N. and 5° S. The greatest number lie in a range between the parallels of 5° and 10° N., scattered as con- 18 70 ETHNOGRAPHY. fusedly along the ocean as seed strown in a furrow. There are about a hundred groups, if this name may be applied to the coral rings, or lagoon islands, which consist of numerous small patches of rock, dis- posed in a circular or oval form arid connected by reefs. Of all the groups, only six belong to the class of high islands, and these are all surrounded by extensive reefs. They are the Pelew Islands, the Ladrones, Yap, Hogoleu, Banabe, and Ualau. These, though among the smallest of their class in the Pacific, are important when com- pared with the coral clusters, all of which put together would not probably give three hundred square miles of dry land. If, however, the reefs and lagoons, from which the natives derive a great part of their subsistence, be taken into consideration, the estimate will be greatly enlarged. The information which we possess concerning most of these islands is principally derived from the works of former voyagers, par- ticularly Duperrey, D'Urville, Kotzebue, and Liitke, and we shall therefore enter into no further particulars respecting them than will be necessary to illustrate the account which we have to give, from other sources, of a few of the groups. For this purpose the situation of the whole archipelago must be particularly noted. It approaches within twenty degrees of Japan and Loo Choo on the north, within five degrees of the Philippines on the west, has New Guinea and the other Melanesian islands at the same distance on the south, and the Polynesians about as far off to the southeast. It happens, moreover, that winds are common over this region from all these points. The southeast trades blow from the Navigators to the Kingsmill Islands, and extend far north of the equator. In the winter the northwest monsoon comes down from the China Sea, frequently shifting round to the southwest, in which direction the most violent hurricanes occur. At this season of the year large fir-trees, sometimes with their branches and leaves adhering, are driven from some northern region to the Kingsmill Islands, — the southernmost of Micronesia, — while the southwest storms bring bamboos in like manner from a tropical clime to the same place. These observations are important for their bearing on the question of the probable source or sources of the population of these islands. The subject is one which neither our space nor our materials will admit of our discussing in full, and it remains for some future inquirer to trace out, by a comparison of language, physical traits, customs, and traditions, the origin and migrations of the Micronesian tribes. MICRONESIA. 71 That this may be done, judging by what little we have been able to effect for two or three of the islands, we entertain no doubt. And it is certain that few more important fields now remain open for ethno- graphical research. We sometimes speak of the numerous colonies which have pro- ceeded from Great Britain as being one people, inasmuch as they have issued from a single source ; and in this sense we may apply the term to the tribes of Polynesia. We also speak of the inhabitants of the Roman empire — at least after two or three centuries of conquest — as forming one people, inasmuch as the various nations and tribes to which they belonged had been cemented and fused together, by the general ascendency and intermixture of one dominant race, — and in this sense alone the term is applicable to the natives of the Microne- sian islands. Hence it will be seen that no general description can be given of the latter, which shall be every where equally correct, and which will not require many allowances and exceptions. The Micronesians, as a people, do not differ greatly in complexion from their neighbours of Polynesia. Their colour varies from a light yellow, in some of the groups, particularly the western, to a reddish brown, which we find more common in the east and southeast. The features are usually high and bold, — the nose straight or aquiline, the cheek-bones projecting, the chin rounded and prominent. The nose is commonly widened at the lower part, as in the Polynesian race, but this is not a universal trait. The hair, which is black, is in some straight, in others curly. The beard is usually scanty, though among the darker tribes it is more abundant, and these have often whiskers and mustachios. In stature, the natives more often fall below than exceed the middle height, and they are naturally slender. That which especially characterizes this people, is the great elevation of the forehead, and indeed of the whole head, as compared with its breadth. This was general in those whom we saw, and is apparent in nearly all the portraits of natives which have been given by diffe- rent voyagers. In character, the Micronesians — at least those of them who belong to the lighter coloured tribes — will compare advantageously with any other people, whether savage or civilized. Their most pleasing, and, at the same time, their most striking trait, is a certain natural kindli- ness and goodness of heart, to which all their visiters, of every country and character, bear the same testimony. Wilson at the Pelew Islands, Kotzebue at Radack, Duperrey and D'Urville at 72 ETHNOGRAPHY. Ualau, Liitke and Martens at all the western islands, O'Connell and every other visiter at Banabe, Paulding at the Mulgrave Group, and our Expedition at Makin, have had occasion to remark the sweetness of temper and the absence of any harsh and violent feelings, which characterize the inhabitants. This is especially deserving of note, inasmuch as there is no quality more rare, or about the existence of which scepticism is more justifiable, than that of real benevolence among savages. In this case, however, the strong and decided testimony of so many witnesses can leave no doubt that the natives of the Caroline Islands are, for the most part, a kind, amiable, and gentle race. There are, however, as before remarked, some exceptions to be made in any general description of this people. This kindness of heart is less apparent in the natives of those small isolated coral islands, where the supply of food is scanty, and where the frequent pressure of actual want sometimes produces in the people a hard and unfeeling disposition. Those tribes, too, among whom a partial intermixture of the Melanesian race shows itself in the features and complexion, will also be found to partake, more or less, of the ferocity natural to that race. They are also, like the Polynesians, a social and an enterprising people. A constant communication is kept up among the various groups and islands. They are excellent navigators, governing their courses by the stars with great accuracy. As might be expected, wars are by no means frequent among them. Liitke informs us that on Ualau, and all the coral islands to the west of it, a constant peace prevails. On some of the high islands, where the population is divided into several tribes, wars occasionally occur. They are, however, seldom very destructive, and in all cases it is esteemed necessary for a party which is about to attack another, to send word, by a herald, of their intention, in order that their opponents may be prepared to meet them. This, we are assured, is the case in Banabe, Hogoleu, and the Pelew Islands. It is difficult to say whether parental affection is strongly developed in these natives or not. Some circumstances, which will be hereafter mentioned, would lead to an unfavourable conclusion. But what is especially remarkable is the unusual consideration which is awarded to the female sex. The women, in all the groups, do comparatively little labour, and that only of the lightest kind. Ill treatment of a wife by her husband is almost unknown, — partly from their naturally MICRONESIA. .73 good disposition, but chiefly because he would be certain to receive a severe punishment either from her relatives, or from the other women of the neighbourhood. This fact is curious enough, and it appears to be universal. By all accounts, this sex, in the Caroline Islands, enjoys a perfect equality in public estimation with the other. They are far from being a licentious people. The modest deport- ment of the women, and the sacredness of the marriage tie, have been remarked by all voyagers, who have contrasted it with the contrary trait, so conspicuous in the natives of Polynesia. Their respect for rank is remarkable, and the more so as it does not seem to be founded upon any superstitious observance, like that of the tabu. Not only do the chiefs enjoy an unquestioned supremacy, but the distinctions between the different classes of population, of which there are usually two or more, is maintained with a rigidness which reminds one of the institution of caste. They seem to be an honest people. Among themselves, they are said to be decidedly so. They sometimes, however, steal from vessels, in which case, it would appear that the greatness of the tempta- tion overcomes their better feelings. Their word, it is said, may generally be relied upon. They are very intelligent. The same observation has been made concerning the natives of Polynesia, but a distinction is observable between the two in this respect. The latter are quick in their per- ceptions, ingenious, and prompt in acquiring a new art. The Caro- line islanders, on the other hand, are a considerate and reflecting people, acute in reasoning, and desirous of understanding the meaning of any novel appearance. It will be seen that the character here given is little more than a catalogue of good qualities. Such as it is, however, it is an exact statement of the impressions derived from personal observation, as well as from the accounts of others. There can be no doubt that these natives are a finely endowed race, in whom the moral feelings and the intellect generally predominate over the more violent pas- sions. That there are occasional exceptions, has been before re- marked, and some of them will be hereafter noticed. The difference of character in the three Oceanic races is most clearly displayed in the reception which they have given to their earliest civilized visitors. With the black tribes, a strong disposition has generally been evinced to get rid of the strangers as soon as possible, and to avoid communication with them. The Polynesian 19 74 ETHNOGRAPHY. islanders, on the other hand, have almost always received them with a clamorous welcome and apparent friendship, and then made an attempt to get possession, by force or fraud, of their vessel, or some of their property. While the natives of Micronesia, though sometimes shy at first, have seldom failed, in the end, to establish and maintain an intercourse of uninterrupted friendship and mutual confidence. The only exceptions, and those not numerous, have been in the cases before noticed, where hardship and want, or an intermixture of foreign blood, have deteriorated their character. In treating of the Polynesians, we have had occasion to remark that they had probably attained, before their discovery, to as high a grade of civilization as the circumstances in which they were placed would permit. The same remark may be made concerning the natives of Micronesia, but with this difference, that while the former appear to have risen from a lower condition to their present state, the latter seem, on the contrary, to have descended from a higher grade which had been attained in some more favourable situation. As this view (which is that of Lessou, and, in part, of Liitke,) is somewhat im- portant, it is proper to state the considerations on which it is founded. 1. Although the Caroline islanders are not more ingenious or more enterprising than the Polynesians, and although, on the whole, they seem to enjoy no more of the comforts of life, yet in many of the arts, and what may be termed sciences, they are decidedly superior. Those relating to navigation deserve particular notice. The latter of the two races, in their voyages, are usually guided by the winds, and pay little attention to the heavenly bodies. The Micronesians, on the other hand, sail altogether by the stars, with which they are well acquainted. They divide the horizon into twenty-eight points, instead of the thirty-two of our compasses, giving to each a name. The Po- lynesians, on the contrary, have no special names even for the four cardinal points. East and west they express by phrases signifying sunrise and sunset ; north and south usually by the names for certain winds, or by the words right hand and left. But even these expres- sions are rarely used. The canoes of the Caroline islanders are made to sail with either end foremost, resembling in that respect, those which are in use at the Feejee Islands, and which the natives of Tonga have borrowed from thence. Whether this model belongs properly to the black race or the Micronesian is uncertain ; but from its universality among the latter, we should be inclined to ascribe it to them. Those who inhabit the high islands have also the art of MICRONESIA. 75 coating the outside of their canoes with a shining varnish. They make, besides, by burning the coral rock, a fine lime, which is mixed with cocoa-nut oil, and used to whitewash the inside of their canoes and render them water-tight. Neither of these arts is known to the Polynesians. 2. Some of their manufactures evince a skill which seems to be the offspring of civilization. This is particularly the case with their cinctures, or sashes, which are made of the fibrous filaments of the banana plant. They are not braided by hand, like the fine mats of Polynesia, but woven in a simple loom. The shuttle resembles very closely in appearance, as in use, that of our weavers. These sashes have attracted much notice and admiration from foreigners, for the elegance of their texture, and the beauty and regularity of the colours which are inwoven. Another of their ornaments deserves notice, not so much for any skill displayed in its manufacture, as because it seems to be universal among the islanders of Micronesia and peculiar to them. It consists of a string of alternate wooden and shell beads, if this term may be applied to them. The " beads" are in the shape of a sixpence with a hole through its centre, or more nearly like the " button-moulds" of our dress-makers. They are made of fragments of cocoanut-shell and sea-shells, which are broken or cut nearly to the required shape, and then filed down together till they are smooth, even, and exactly of equal size. Those of sea-shell are white, and those of cocoa-nut black. They are strung alternately upon a small cord, and appear like a round flexible stick, half an inch in diameter, marked with alternate white and black rings. They are worn, not round the neck, but round the waist, and only by the men.* * Since this was written, my attention has been drawn to a passage in Chamisso's volume, appended to Kotzebue's voyage round the world, from which the origin, and probably the real nature, of this supposed ornament may be inferred. In speaking of the natives of the Ladrone Islands, he remarks : — " We have discovered among their antiquities something which seems to show a great advance made in civilization beyond any of the other islanders of the great ocean. We speak of the invention of money. . . . Disks of tortoise-shell, of the shape of button-moulds, but thin as paper, and made ex- tremely smooth by rubbing, are strung close together on a thick cord of cocoa-nut sinnet. The whole forms a flexible cylinder of the thickness of a finger, and several feet in length. These disks were in circulation as a medium of exchange, and only a few of the chiefs had the right to make and issue them." — Chamisso's Werke, Leipzig, 1836, vol. ii. p. 142. This " money" is evidently the same with the " beads" of the Kings- mill Islanders, except that the latter use other shells instead of that of the tortoise. From various slight circumstances which are now called to mind, it seems likely that these 76 ETHNOGRAPHY. 3. The Caroline islanders tattoo themselves not out of motives of decency, nor altogether for ornament, but as a means of distinguish- ing their families and clans, and of retaining the memory of persons, objects, and events. Liitke found on one of the coral islands a man who had marks tattooed upon him to represent all the islands of the archipelago. At Banabe, the wife has tattooed upon her the marks standing for the names of her husband's ancestors. The natives of this group, looking over an English book, took it to be the white man's tattoo, but could not understand the object of the frequent repe- tition of the same characters, saying that it was useless.* 4. While the system of government in most of the Polynesian groups is of a very simple character, that of the Caroline islanders is, on the contrary, unusually complex. Not only is the whole popula- tion, in many of the islands, divided into distinct classes, which never natives did actually employ the tenikadaradara, as they termed them, for a medium of trade ; they brought them off in great quantities, some individuals having many fathoms tied around the waist, and no article of traffic besides. It is noted in my journal, that on the first day at Taputeouea, before we landed, more than half a bushel of the beads were obtained. On inquiring of others who were more engaged than myself in bartering with the natives, I find that their recollections accord with my own. They are disposed to think that the opinion above expressed with regard to the use of the articles in question is correct, and that we were mistaken at the time in supposing them to be merely orna- ments,— though they may have been worn as such, as some of the South American soldiers have their accoutrements covered with silver coins. As the materials of which the disks are made are very common, the value must arise from the labour necessary to cut and polish them to their proper shape, which, for the number contained in a string, must be very great. But the inferences which may be deduced from the general diffusion of this species of circulating medium among the Caroline islanders, are very important. The most common Chinese coins, as is well known, have a hole through the centre, are strung upon strings, and disposed of by lengths. In Beechey's " Voyage to the Pacific," p. 393, (Am. edit.,) speaking of the assertion that the people of Loo Choo have no money, he says, " Our meeting with this peasant, however, disclosed the truth, as he had a string of cash (small Chinese money) suspended to his girdle, in the manner adopted by the Chinese." In a note he adds, " These coins, being of small value, are strung together in hundreds, and have a knot at each end, so that it is not necessary to count them." I am disposed to consider this fact as one of the most important evidences that the Micro- nesians, or at least the dominant class among them, derive their origin from Eastern Asia, and from a civilized people. It has teen thought best to let the remarks in the text stand as first written, in order to show the importance which the universal preva- lence and peculiar character of the supposed ornament led us to attach to it when its probable origin and nature were unsuspected. * O'Connell's Narrative, p. 163. MICRONESIA. 77 intermarry, but the rank of the chiefs, and the succession to authority, are regulated according to a very intricate system, which has evi- dently been the result of design and study. Of this we shall have occasion to give some examples. 5. The religion of the Micronesians carries us at once to Eastern Asia. It is the worship of the spirits of their ancestors. They are called at the Ladrones, aniti, at the Kingsmills, anti, at the Mul- graves, emit and anis, at Banabe, hani or ani, at Falalou, hano, &c. Probably the yaris of Lord North's Island, signifying divinity, is the same word, as the change of n to r is universal in these dialects. They have neither temples, images, nor sacrifices. Their worship consists merely in praying and performing certain ceremonies, — among others the offering of a portion of their food to the spirits. It does not appear that a real tabu-system exists on any of the groups. Voyagers have found words signifying sacred or forbidden, which they have assimilated with the Polynesian tabu, but they give us no hint of a code of laws and social regulations deriving their validity from a religious sanction. There is certainly nothing of the kind in the Kingsmill Group. On the whole, we may venture to say that the semi-civilization of the Polynesians has been attained by bringing to perfection the rude arts and institutions natural to the savage state ; while that of the Micronesians has resulted from simplifying, and adapting to more restricted circumstances, the inventions and usages of civilization. We now proceed to notice some of the single groups and islands, concerning whose inhabitants we have it in our power to give some information. TOBI, OR LORD NORTH'S ISLAND. This island, which forms the southwestern extremity of the Micro- nesian range, is situated in about latitude 3° 2' N., and longitude 131° 4' E. It is a small, low islet, about three miles in circumfe- rence, with a population of between three and four hundred souls. Our information concerning it is derived from an American, by name Horace Holden, who, with eleven companions, after suffering ship- wreck, reached the island in a boat, and was taken captive by the natives. He was detained by them two years, from December 6, 1832, to November 27, 1834, when he made his escape and returned to America, where he published, in a small volume, an interesting 20 78 ETHNOGRAPHY. narrative of his adventures and sufferings, with a description of the island and its inhabitants. Appended to the book is a vocabulary of the language, drawn up with care by the Hon. John Pickering of Boston, whose name is a sufficient guarantee for its correctness. I met Mr. Holden at Boston, two years after his return, and in several conversations with him obtained some information on points not noticed in his published narrative, together with an addition to the vocabulary of a number of words which he was able, from time to time, to call to mind. It has seemed to me, therefore, that a brief account of the natives of this island would not be out of place here, more especially as it will serve to prove the striking similarity of traits and customs which prevail from one extremity of the Caroline Islands to the other. " The complexion of the natives," says Holden in his narrative, " is a light copper colour, — much lighter than that of the Malays or the Pelew islanders, which last, however, they resemble in the breadth of their faces, high cheek-bones, and broad flattened noses."* Here we observe, what has been before remarked of the Polynesian tribes, that the lightest complexion is found among those who are nearest the equator. The natives worship a deity whom they term yaris, in which we perhaps see the aniti or anis of the Ladrone and Radack Islands.! According to the native traditions, a personage, by name Pita-kat (or Peeter Kart), of copper colour like themselves, " came many years ago from the island of Ternate (one of the Moluccas), and gave them their religion, and such simple arts as they possessed."! It is proba- bly to him that we are to attribute some peculiarities in their mode of worship, such as their temple, with rude images to represent the divinity. " In the centre, suspended from the roof, is a sort of altar, into which they suppose their deity comes to hold converse with the priest." The temple is called vere yaris, or spirit-house. In this word vere we recognise the Polynesian_/afe or fare, house, (Vitian, vale,} used here only in this connexion, — the ordinary word for dwelling being yim, the im of the other Caroline Islands. So, too, * Speaking of the Pelew islanders, he says : — " Their complexion is a light copper. Their noses are somewhat flat, but not so flat as those of the Africans, nor are their lips so thick." Narrative, p. 48. t The change from anis to yaris would be according to the custom of the dialect. Thus we have yaro for aro (Uica), sun; mare for umane, man, &c. J Appendix to Narrative, p. 123. MICRONESIA. 79 the natives wear the Polynesian girdle of bark-cloth, which they call by the well-known name of tapa. They have, too, the word tabu, signifying a sacred place. These facts are valuable, as, combined with many other indications which will be hereafter noted, they seem to show that the original inhabitants of the Moluccas (who are distinct from the intruding Malay conquerors) were a race more nearly allied to the Polynesians than the other tribes of Malaisia. "Their implements of war are spears and clubs; they have no bows and arrows. Their spears are made of the wood of the cocoa- nut tree ; the points of them are set with rows of sharks' teeth ; and being at the same time very heavy, and from ten to twenty feet long, they are formidable weapons." These spears armed with sharks' teeth are found throughout the Micronesian groups, and may be termed the national weapon, as the bow is of the black race ; for though they were not entirely unknown to the Polynesians, they were yet so rare that we saw but three or four in the course of our voyage, and those only at the Navigator and the Depeyster Group. The houses of the natives are built of small trees and rods, and thatched with leaves. They have two stories, a ground floor and a loft, which is entered by a hole or scuttle through the horizontal par- tition, or upper floor. For ornament, they sometimes wear in their ears, which are always bored, a folded leaf; and round their necks a necklace made of the shell of the cocoa-nut and a small white sea-shell. These last are no doubt the circular " beads" before described, although the mode of wearing them is unusual. They live principally on cocoa-nuts, with a few taro roots, which they raise, with great difficulty, in trenches dug in the sand. Their supply of fish is small, and only five turtle were taken while Holden was on the island. "These constitute the slender means of their support ; and they are thus barely kept from actual death by famine, but on the very verge of starvation." It is to this state of misery in which they are constantly kept that we must attribute the cruel dis- position which they manifest. The unfortunate captives were treated with great harshness, and compelled to toil in the severest drudgery, with barely sufficient food to support life. In fact, some of them died of the sufferings thus inflicted. It is remarkable that the women were more- active in this ill-treatment than the men. We shall have occasion to note a similar fact in the Mulgrave Islands, at the other 80 ETHNOGRAPHY. extremity of this region. The men, on Tobi, perform much of the domestic labour which is elsewhere left to the women. The bodies of the dead, except of very young children, are laid in a canoe, and committed to the ocean. The reason of this custom Holden did not know. It seems likely, from what will be stated in another place, that the canoe is intended to convey the deceased to the land of spirits, and that young children are not sent because they are esteemed incapable of guiding it. It should be mentioned that the release of the four Americans who survived (two of whom got free a short time after their capture) was voluntary on the part of the natives, a fact which shows that the feel- ings of humanity were not altogether extinct in their hearts. Indeed, although the sufferings of the captives were very great, it does not appear that they were worse relatively to the condition in which the natives themselves lived, than they would have been on any other island of the Pacific. Men who were actually dying of starvation, like the people of Tobi, could not be expected to exercise that kind- ness towards others which nature refused to them. BANABE OR ASCENSION ISLAND, OR THE SENIAVINE GROUP. This island, one of the largest of the Carolines, is situated in lati- tude 7° N., longitude 159° E. Admiral Liitke, though not, properly speaking, the discoverer, was the first to make known its existence to the world, so late as the year 1828. He did not land, and the only communication which he had with the natives was through two or three canoes which came off to the ship. The men, in appearance no less than in language, seemed to him quite distinct from the other natives of Micronesia, and he compares them to the Papuans. But he observes that those whom he saw seemed to be all of the lower classes. Had the Russian navigator been able to land, he would probably have had an opportunity of rescuing from captivity seven English seamen, who had shortly before reached the island in a boat, after their shipwreck on a reef near Ualau. One of these, by name James O'Connell, after living five years on the island, escaped in November, 1833, and two years afterwards reached the United States. He pub- lished, at Boston, an account of his adventures, written for him by a gentleman of that city, and containing much valuable information. MICRONESIA. 81 In 1837 I became acquainted with him, and saw him frequently, for the purpose of taking down such a vocabulary of the language as he could furnish, — which, notwithstanding his long residence, and his general intelligence, was very scanty. He was one of those who seern to have a natural incapacity for acquiring foreign tongues; but with the usages and institutions of the islanders he appeared perfectly familiar, and was able to render a clear and satisfactory account, the general correctness of which has since been fully con- firmed. In June, 1835, the London whale-ship Corsair was lost on a reef off Drummond's Island, and one of her boats, with six men, and the sur- geon of the ship, Dr. Smith, reached Ascension, after a passage of seventeen days, during which they underwent extreme suffering. The journal of Dr. Smith came into my hands at Oahu ; it contains some interesting notices.* At Oahu, I became acquainted with Mr. G. W. Punchard, who had resided about a year on Banabe, and from him I obtained some additional information. At that time we expected to visit the island, and sailed from Oahu with that object ; but contrary winds, and the delay caused by the survey of the Kingsmill Group, which was found to be much more extensive and important than we had anticipated, made it necessary to renounce this part of our cruise. The descrip- tion which follows has been drawn chiefly from the sources above mentioned. Concerning the name of the island, there is so great a discrepancy in the different accounts, that it is difficult to arrive at a satisfactory conclusion. Mr. Punchard pronounced it Banebe ; O'Connell writes it Bonabee ; Dr. Smith, Bonnybay ; Liitke, Pouynipet ; Duperrey, from the accounts of natives of other islands, Pouloupa ; Cantova, Chamisso, and Liitke, from similar accounts, Falupet, Fanope, and Faounoupel Bana, — which in the dialects of western Micronesia, would assume the various forms of Fana, Fara, and Fala, — seems to form a part of the names of many groups in this archipelago. Thus we have Fana-nmi or Fala-lou, Fara-lis, Fana-dik, (little Fana,) * On a subsequent voyage of Dr. Smith to New Georgia, one of the Solomon Group, twelve hundred miles east-southeast of Drummond's Island, he landed on a small neigh- bouring islet, called Eddystone, (by the natives Mondoveree,) and was conducted by the chief to the top of a mountain, where he found the figure-head of the Corsair. It had drifted to the island, and been carried by the natives up the mountain. 21 g2 ETHNOGRAPHY. Fala-lep (great Fala), &c.* I am inclined to think that Banabe or Banobe will come nearest to the proper native pronunciation. The group of Banabe consists of the single high island of that name, with many low islets situated on an extensive coral belt which surrounds it. The high island was supposed by Mr. Punchard to be about forty miles in circumference, and he estimated the population at fifteen thousand, — though others reduce it to half this number. O'Connell, however, saw, on one occasion, the warriofs of one tribe collected to the number of fifteen hundred men. As there are five tribes on the island, this would seem to show that Mr. Punchard's estimate is not too high. The natives are divided into three classes or castes, chiefs, gentry (or freemen), and slaves, or rather serfs. The first two belong to the yellow race, proper to this archipelago, and are of the middle size, with light complexions, prominent features, and smooth skins. The others are termed by O'Connell a negro race, and Liitke compares them to the Papuans ; he says, " They have a wide, flat face, with broad depressed noses, thick lips, and crisp hair (les cheveux crepus)."^ O'Connell, however, says that they have straight hair,J meaning, perhaps, that it is not woolly, like that of the African negro. He adds, further, (the universal characteristic of the Melanesian race,) that " the skin is rough, and very unpleasant to the touch." Their colour is not black, but dark brown; Liitke calls it chestnut (chd- * It must be recollected that throughout Micronesia the letters n, r, and I, are used interchangeably, as are g and k, p and 6, and sometimes/; the t of one dialect becomes th in another, and s in a third. Bearing these changes in mind, we find numerous re- semblances among the names of islands and groups. Namu or Numo is very common ; we have Namu, Namu-rek (little Namu), Lamu-rek (ditto), Namu-louk, Namo-rousse, Namo-liaour, Nanto-nouito, (southern Natno), Namo-lip-iafan (great northern Namo), &c. So there are two islands named Fais, two named Faieu, — there are Bigar and Bigali, Pelc-leu, (commonly called Pelew,) and Pele-lap ; Lugu-nor, Nugu-or, and Nuku-nau ; Otdia, Odia, Udi-rik, and Udia-milai, Maguir and Makin. In short, there seems to be hardly an island in western Micronesia, which has not one in the eastern part of the archipelago named after it. It should be observed that the difference in many of the names given above, proceeds, in part, from the different modes of ortho- graphy adopted by the voyagers from whom they are taken, — Kotzebue, Duperrey, Rieuri, and others. This resemblance in names is one of the clues which must be fol- lowed in tracing out the migrations by which these islands have been peopled. f Rieuri, Oceanic, vol. ii. p. 136. $ Narrative, p. 128. MICRONESIA. 83 taigne). There is reason to believe that these two races are found in conjunction on other groups of Micronesia, (especially the large elevated cluster of Hogoleu,) while on some, as Namoulouk, Nuguor, and the southern Kingsmill Islands, an amalgamation seems to have taken place. The three classes are called, according to O'Connell, Moonjobs (Mundjab), Jerejohs, (Tsheridjo) and Nigurts (Naikat). The general term aroche (arotg), was applied to the first two; it may be translated gentleman or freeman. These two classes rarely intermarry with one another, and never with the third. The distinction of caste is main- tained with great strictness ; even in battle, a person of one class never attacks one of another, so that, says O'Connell, " it is like the encounter of three distinct parties." All the land in the group is parcelled out into estates, which are the property of the chiefs and freemen. The serfs are considered as affixed to the soil. These estates are never alienated, and pass only by succession ; but this succession is not directly hereditary. The system of descent, both of titles and property, is very intricate and difficult to understand. According to the account received from Mr. Punchard, every chief has a distinguishing title, besides his own proper appellation. The highest rank in the two tribes of Matalalln and t7 is Ishipau, who is usually called by foreigners the king ; then follow, in the line of succession, Wadjai, Tak, Notsh, Nanoa, and others still lower. Before a chief can become Ishipau he must rise through all these grades or offices, and, of course, there is only one in each tribe holding each of these titles. There are other offices or dignities, the holders of which can never rise to be Ishipau; but these, also, have their inferior grades in regular succession. One of these is Ndnigin, a kind of high priest of the Kiti tribe. The son of a chief is never a chief; this distinction is derived from a certain class of women, called li 'rotsh (noble women), who? by law, can only marry common men; their rank determines that of the offspring. This account differs, in some particulars, from that given by O'Con- nell, but agrees with it in the main.* Besides the divisions of caste and office, there is another of tribes, of which there are five, — the Matalalin, who occupy the east or * See his Narrative, p. 126. It is curious that three able and experienced observers, Lessou, D'Urville, and Liitke, in describing the system of rank and caste which prevails at Ualau, differ so widely from one another, that their accounts cannot be reconciled. 84 ETHNOGRAPHY. windward side of the island ; the Kiti on the south, and the Djekoits, Nat, and U on the northwest. Mr. Punchard thought that the three last-named were not originally distinct. These tribes are nominally independent, and make war upon one another, but they are still con- nected together, like the German States in the middle ages, by a certain general system of policy, with which even their wars do not interfere. A chief of one tribe is recognised as such by the rest, and takes rank among them accordingly. In case of hostilities, the attacking party is bound to send word to the other of the time and place fixed upon for the conflict, in order to give opportunity for preparation. Nothing like conquest is ever attempted. The van- quished always retain their lands, the victors contenting themselves with the spoil of their villages. The fruit-trees are never destroyed. The priests, according to O'Connell, have considerable influence. They are called ediomet, and belong to the class of petty chiefs ; indeed, this word is frequently used to signify merely chief. Their worship is very simple. It consists in prayers and invocations addressed to the spirits (hani or ani) of departed chiefs. They have neither temples, idols, nor offerings. Certain animals, also, particu- larly fish, are esteemed sacred among them, — some, as eels, being so to the whole people, while others are merely prohibited to particular families. O'Connell supposes this to proceed from some rude system of metempsychosis, connected with their religious belief. The dead are wrapped in mats, and buried about three feet below the surface of the earth. If a male, a paddle from his canoe is buried with him; if a female, her spindle or distaff. Over the grave a cocoa- nut tree is planted, the fruit of which is seldom if ever disturbed, and, besides the paddle buried with the body, they sometimes lay one or more upon the ground near the grave. The well-known drink of the Polynesians, termed by them kava or ava, prepared from the root of the Piper methysticum, is also in use here. The mode of preparation, however, is different and more cleanly. The root, instead of being chewed, is pounded on a large stone,* and then mixed with water, which is afterwards strained through a mesh of cocoa-nut fibres. It is served out at their public feasts with great ceremony, the distinctions of rank being carefully observed. * This change, it will be observed, is precisely that which a refined people would make in adopting such a custom. MICRONESIA. 85 The canoes sailing always with the outrigger to windward, var- nished on the outside and whitewashed within ; the weapons armed with sharks' teeth, the strings of circular beads, and the sashes woven in a simple loom, which have been elsewhere mentioned as characteristic of the Micronesian race, are all found here. So also is the conical hat, made of cocoa-nut leaves, which is common to most of the islands. The natives have a variety of the dog, the flesh of which is considered a delicacy. The principal vegetable produc- tions of the island are the bread-fruit, cocoa-nut, banana, sugar-cane, and yam. Two other customs, which we learn from O'Connell, deserve to be mentioned here. The first is that of sending messages by means of leaves of a particular tree, the points of which are folded inwards in different modes to express different meanings. " Inclosed in a plan- tain-leaf, and secured by twine, one of these primitive letters accom- panies donations of presents, and demands for them, — declarations of war and promises of submission, — in short, all the state despatches." The other is that of voluntary emigration, which, he says, " is resorted to when the population becomes too dense for comfortable subsistence. When it becomes certain that such a step is necessary, a number of the natives, with their wives and children, take to their canoes, victualled as liberally as the boats will bear, and trust to chance for a harbour or a landing." He adds that the emigrants are, as may be supposed, principally of the lower orders. Another fact connected with this island has excited much attention and curiosity. It is the existence of extensive ruins upon a low flat islet, on the south side of Banabe, near the harbour of Matalalin. They are mostly in the form of enclosures, of various extent, some of them covering more than a hundred square yards. The walls are not less than thirty feet in height, and nearly as many in thickness. They are built of enormous blocks of stone, which seem, from the description, to be polygonal prisms of basalt. Some of them are twenty-five feet long and nearly two feet in diameter, and must weigh several tons. Between the enclosures are passages which seem once to have been streets or foot-ways, but which are now filled with water, so as to admit canoes. The whole island is overflowed at high tide, except the parts enclosed by these walls, which keep the earth from being washed away. But in some places the walls them- selves have been undermined by the sea, and fallen. The natives can give no account of the origin of these structures, 22 §6 ETHNOGRAPHY. attributing them to the hani, or spirits. The general opinion of foreigners who have seen them seems to be that they were the work of another race than that which now occupies this group. There is, however, no occasion for having recourse to this hypothesis. On the is'and of Ualau, three hundred miles east of Banabe, similar struc- tures are in use at the present day. According to the accounts of Lessou, D'Urville, and Liitke, as quoted by Rieuri, all the principal chiefs of Ualau, with great part of the population, have their residence on a small low islet, called Leilei or Lele, situated off the eastern shore of the large island, and about four miles in circumference. D'Urville *ays, "in approaching the shores of Leilei, a new scene presented itself to our eyes, — fine houses surrounded by high walls, streets well paved, &c." . . . And in another place, — " the streets were bordered by enormous walls of rock, which prove that these natives, slight and feeble in appearance, are nevertheless capable of undergoing severe labour At the end of the street, a wall still more considerable than those which we had seen excited my ad- miration. It was not less than twenty feet high by ten or twelve in thickness, and forty or fifty on each side. One cannot well conceive how these people, without the aid of any machine, can transport blocks so ponderous as those which enter into these constructions, some of which must weigh many thousands (plusieurs milliers). It is still more difficult to imagine what can be the utility of these huge masses. All that I could discover was that the residences of the chiefs were always accompanied by these enormous walls, which seemed to be one of the attributes of their dignity, like the ramparts and trenches which surrounded the castles of the nobility in the middle ages." It seems evident that the constructions at Ualau and Banabe are of the same kind, and built for the same purpose. But it is also clear that at the time those of the latter were raised, the islet on which they stand was in a different condition from what it now is. At present they are actually in the water ; what were once paths, are now pas- sages for canoes, and O'Connell says, " where the walls are broken down, the water enters the enclosures." This change can only have proceeded from two causes. Either the sea must have risen, or the land have sunk since the walls were erected. That the sea has risen, or, in other words, that the level of the entire ocean has been altered, will not be supposed. But that the land, or the whole group of Ba- nabe, and perhaps all the neighbouring groups, have undergone a MICRONESIA. 87 slight depression, is no ways improbable. It is certain, from observa- tions made by the geologist, Mr. Dana, that the Sandwich Group, on the other side of the Pacific, has been, at some former period, lifted several feet above its original height, and there is some reason to believe that at this time it is undergoing a very gradual elevation.* It is possible that a counterbalancing movement in the opposite direction may be taking place among the Caroline Islands, — or, at least, may have taken place not many centuries ago. From the de- scription given of Leilei, a change of level of one or two feet would render it uninhabitable, and reduce it, in a short time, to the same state as the isle of ruins at Banabe. When the natives say that these structures were raised by hani or animan (spirits), they may be merely referring them to the divinities whom they worship, — i. e. the spirits of their ancestors, the actual builders. On mentioning these views to Mr. Dana, I am happy to find that he considers the opinion here expressed highly probable, and confirmed by his observations in other parts of the Pacific. MILLE, OR THE MULGRAVE ISLANDS. In January of 1824, a part of the crew of the American whale-ship Globe mutinied, murdered the officers, and sailed for the Caroline Islands. At the Mulgrave Group, the greater part, including those who had been the most guilty, together with some who were innocent, but were compelled to submit to the direction of the others, landed and remained. They were received, at first, with the utmost kind- ness by the natives, but having roused their hostility by violent measures and harsh treatment, the whole party was suddenly attacked and put to death, with the exception of two individuals. These, by name William Lay, and Cyrus M. Hussey, were both mere youths, and entirely innocent of participation in the mutiny. They had pre- viously acquired the good-will of the natives by their kind and prudent conduct towards them, and though detained as captives, and obliged to labour for. their masters, they were not ill-treated. In December of the following year they were taken off by the United States schooner Dolphin, which was despatched for that purpose, under the command of Captain John Percival. On their arrival at Oahu, the Rev. Mr. Bingham, missionary at * See the Geological Report of the Expedition, by Mr. J. D. Dana. gg ETHNOGRAPHY. Honolulu, took down a vocabulary of such words of the native lan- guage as they could remember. This is now published for the first time, and it seems proper to add to it a few remarks respecting the island and its inhabitants. Our information is derived from a brief and unpretending narrative, published by Lay and Hussey at New London, in 1828, and from the " Journal of the Cruise of the United States schooner Dolphin among the islands of the Pacific," by Lieu- tenant Hiram Paulding,* which contains many interesting particulars related in a clear and succinct style. Mille is the southernmost of the Radack Chain, which consists of twelve coral islets or clusters, and extends, in a north-northeast direc- tion, from 6° to 12° of north latitude, and from 169° to 172° of east longitude. Mille, which is in latitude 6°, longitude 172°, is an oval ring of small islets, connected by reefs, and enclosing an inland sea or lagoon one hundred and forty miles in circumference. There are more than a hundred of these islets, but all of them together do not probably comprise more than fifteen or twenty square miles. The population is between five and six hundred. The people are of a light complexion, fairer than those of the Kingsmill Group, and ap- peared to Mr. Paulding a different race. They are of the middle stature and well-formed, with handsome features. With a few ex- ceptions, they have not the depressed noses and thick lips which are found among the Polynesian tribes. They are modest and manly in their deportment, and walk with an air of dignity. Mr. Paulding was much pleased with their conduct on the arrival of the vessel. " They gave us a most kind and hospitable reception, and freely offered whatever any of us expressed a wish for Nothing was stolen by them. They behaved in a most orderly manner, looking round the deck inquiringly, or seated themselves and chatted fami- liarly with our people, taking pains to make themselves understood. In their look and action they appeared to be lively and intelligent." Lay and Hussey give the same account of their behaviour towards the mutineers, before their anger was excited by the ill conduct of the latter. Both of the captives, moreover, speak of the kind treatment which they experienced from the natives. The hardships which they underwent were only such as were shared by their captors. The island is sterile, yielding but a scanty supply of food even for its limited population. The only vegetable productions fit to eat are * Published at New York, by G. & C. & H. Carvill, 1831. MICRONESIA. 89 those of the cocoa-nut, bread-fruit, and pandanus trees. Seasons of scarcity sometimes occur, during which the natives suffer severely, and are reduced to eating the tender branches of trees to support life. There is one high chief who has the supreme power; but in his decisions on matters of importance he usually conforms to the opinion of the whole body of chiefs. Mr. Paulding observes, "They have different grades of rank in their society, from the high chief down to the farthest removed from royalty." Their only worship consists in invocations to the Anit, said by Lay to be the name of their supreme divinity ; but it seems likely that it is only the general term for spirit. Thus Lay tells us, in his narra- tive, that the natives will not take the fruit of the cocoa-nut tree which has been planted near a grave, " for fear of displeasing their god (emit)." But Mr. Paulding says (p. 136), "I was walking, back of the huts, over a level green spot, enclosed by cocoa-nut trees, when Lugorna came to me in great haste, and with a disturbed look beck- oned me to come away, at the same time saying to Hussey that I must not go there ; it was a place for the dead ; my presence would disturb them, and bring spirits round the huts." Arid again, (p. 175), " If one of them has wronged another who has died, he never eats without throwing away a portion of his food to appease the ghost of the departed." When a person dies, the body is enclosed in mats and buried, after which, says Mr. Paulding, "a little canoe with a sail to it, and laden with small pieces of cocoa-nut or other food, is taken to the sea-shore, or the leeward part of the island, and sent off, with a fair wind, to bear far away from the island the spirit of the deceased, that it may not afterwards disturb the living." We are reminded by this of the manner in which the natives of Tobi dispose of their dead, as before described, and of the paddles buried with them at Banabe. After the ceremony of interment is completed, two cocoa-nut trees are planted, one at the head and the other at the foot of the grave. The fruit of these is never eaten by the women, and not by the men until a con- siderable time has elapsed after the burial. Their marriages are conducted with little ceremony, but the mar- ried people are usually kind and faithful to one another. Lay never knew an instance of separation after they had a family. It may here be noticed, that at the massacre of the mutineers, to which the natives were excited chiefly by the harshness with which some of the whites 23 gQ ETHNOGRAPHY. treated the females whom they had taken for wives, the women bore as active a part as the men. For ornament, they pierce the lobe of the ear, and having greatly distended the aperture, wear in it a folded leaf. They have also what Lay calls beads, and Mr. Paulding shell-necklaces, but neither de- • scribes them particularly. The canoes have one side flat or perpendicular, and the other inclined ; the flat side is that opposite to the outrigger, and is kept always to windward, the canoes sailing with either end foremost. The houses have two apartments, an upper and a lower, which communicate through a scuttle or hatch. The lower or ground story is not more than three feet high, and the inmates are obliged to remain in a sitting or reclining posture. In the upper story or garret they keep their movable property, and in wet weather sleep there. TARAWA, OR THE KINGSMILL ISLANDS. Although it is not certain that the natives have any general appel- lation for this chain of islands, we have chosen, for several reasons, to designate it by that given above. It is the name of two islands, one of which is called simply Tarawa, and the other Tarawa ni Makin, or Tarawa of Makin. The former is, according to our survey, the largest island of the group, or that which has the most dry land. The natives are numerous, and the high chief exercises sway over the three neighbouring islands of Maiana, Apia, and Mdraki. It is on this island that the inhabitants of the rest of the group place the elysium of departed spirits, which may be consi- dered good evidence that it was the one first settled, and the source of population to the other islands. Finally, Tarawa is best known to the people of distant groups. Both Kotzebue and Liitke heard of it among the western Caroline Islands, under the names of Taroa and . Toroa, and Cook gives it in the list of islands of which he received information at Tonga. Our knowledge concerning this group is derived in part from personal examination, made during twenty-four days spent in the survey, and in part from communications of two British seamen, by name John Kirby and Robert Grey, whom, at their own request, we took off from the islands of Kuria and Makin. They had quitted voluntarily the vessels to which they belonged, and taken up their residence among the natives, in which situation the first had re- MICRONESIA. 91 mained three and the second five years. So slight, however, is the intercourse between the two portions of the group, that they had remained all the time in ignorance of each other's existence. The information thus obtained from three distinct sources, and subjected to careful comparison and scrutiny, is evidently as likely to be correct, as any that has been given concerning a barbarous people. The islands which constitute the group, are, according to the native account, seventeen in number, extending from the second degree of south latitude to the fourth of north, and from 173° 20' to 178° of east longitude. Their names, beginning from the north, are as follows : — NATIVE NAME. ENGLISH NAME. POSITION. Tarawa ni Mdkin, . . (Undiscovered), .... North-northeast of Makin. Makin, ) Taritdri ' ' ' ' Islands, 3° 10' N., 172° 40' E. Mdraki, Matthews' Island, ... 2° N., 173° 45' E. Apia, Charlotte Island, . . . . 1° 40' N., 173° E. Tarawa, Knox's Island, .... 1° 30' N., 173° E. Maiana, Hall's Island, 1° N., 173° E. Apamdma, .... Hopper's Island, . . . . 0° 25' N., 174° E. Kuria, Woodle's Island, .... 0° 15' N., 173° 20' E. Nonouki Henderville's Island, . . 0° 10' N., 173° 35' E. Nonouti, Sydenham's Island, ... 0° 35' S., 174° 25' E. Taputeduea, .... Drummond's Island, . . 1° 20' S., 174° 45' E. Nukunau, Byron's Island, (?)... 1° 20' S., 177° 40' E. Peru, Eliza Island, (?) . . . . 2° S., 176° E. Temana, ) f. , . f . . . ( bouth and east of Drum- Onouto, > . . . . (Uncertain), . . . 77 i I mond s Island. Arurai, } The first-named island is on no chart, and has probably never been visited. Our information concerning it is derived from the natives of Makin, who described it as lying about two days' sail (for their canoes) to the northeast, and as inhabited by people like themselves, with whom they had frequent communication. The last five were not visited by our squadron, and their names are given according to Kirby's account. Nukunau, he thought, was Byron's Island, and Peru, Eliza or Kurd's Island. As to the rest, he only knew that they were in the southern part of the group, though he had an idea that Arurai was sometimes called by foreigners Hope Island. The charts, at this point, are confused, and none of them have so many 92 ETHNOGRAPHY. islands as the native accounts would require. Perhaps, one of the names may apply to Ocean Island, situated a few degrees to the west of Taputeouea, and inhabited, as I was assured by the captain of a whaler, at Oahu, by a similar people. The group may be subdivided into at least four clusters, between which there is, at present, little communication, and the inhabitants of which, though forming but one people, speaking the same general language, yet differ more or less in their customs and institutions, and slightly in dialect. The northern is composed of the three islands of Makin, (or MAkin,} Taritari, and Tarawa ni Makin. The first two are divided only by a strait two miles in width. Taritari is the largest, having an extensive lagoon ; but Makin, though small, is compact, with a good deal of fertile land, and is considered the metro- polis. The four islands, Maraki, Apia, Tarawa, and Maiana, form another cluster, of which Tarawa is the head. The island of Apa- mama has connected with it, both locally and politically, the smaller islands of Nonouki and Kuria. While Nonouti, Taputeouea, Nuku- nau, and Peru, and, perhaps, the three remaining islands, form a fourth division, of which Taputeouea may be considered the chief, — unless this title should be disputed by Byron's Island, of which we know only that it is large arid populous. According to the observations of Mr. Dana, the whole group belongs, physically, to the same class with Tongatabu — that of coral islands slightly elevated above their original level. The elevation, which is only of two or three feet, is not quite so great as at Tonga, but is sufficient to give to the islands a larger surface of dry land, and a greater depth of soil than they would otherwise possess, or than is possessed, so far as we know, by any of the other coral islands of Mi- cronesia. The reefs and shoals, moreover, have their extent much increased, affording harbourage to many varieties and great numbers offish, lobsters, turtle, shell-fish, and sea-slugs, from which the people draw a great part of their sustenance. Besides the fruits of the cocoa- nut and pandanus, of which they have an abundant supply, they have orchards of bread-fruit trees and plantations of taro, which afford them an agreeable variety. They have also a species of purslain, of which we made a salad by no means unpalatable, and on Makin they gather great quantities of a nutritious berry, which they dry and make into a kind of sweet cake, considered by them a delicacy. This abundance of food will account for the large population of the group, so much greater than on most coral islands. At Taputeouea MICRONESIA. 93 (Drummond's Island), the first which we visited, we were astonished at the numbers of the natives. After careful and repeated observa- tions, made in our visits to the shore, and by the officers engaged in the survey, the estimates varied between ten and fifteen thousand. This, however, was probably one of the most thickly inhabited, the island appearing like a continuous village from one end to the other. Kirby had once seen all the warriors of the three islands of Apamama, Nonouti, and Kuria collected together, in anticipation of an attack from the southern cluster. He thought the number was between six and seven thousand. Supposing this amount to be somewhat exagge- rated, we can hardly allow for the entire population of the three, less than twenty thousand. Finally, Grey estimated the people of Tari- tari and Makin at about five thousand. We should thus have for six islands of the group (among which two of the largest, Tarawa and Byron's Island, are not included) a total of thirty-five thousand. But allowing an average of only five thousand to an island, it would still give us, for the whole seventeen, not less than eighty-five thousand.* For a detailed description of these islands and their inhabitants, the reader is referred to the general history of the voyage. Here only those traits will be mentioned which seem essential for determining the position which the latter hold among the different races of the Pacific. At the first glance it is evident that they are not of the pure Micronesian blood. A dark complexion and curly hair would, apart from the testimony of language, indicate the intermixture of a diffe- rent race. This infusion, however, for some reason or other, is much less apparent among the natives of the Makin cluster, who are a shade lighter in colour, and in other respects physically superior to the natives of the southern islands. The descriptions which follow are taken from my notes, the first applying to the people of Taputeouea, and the second to those of Makin. "They (the natives of Drummond's Island) are generally of the * That the other islands of the group are as densely inhabited as the six above-men- tioned, may be inferred from the following evidence. Grey related, that about three years before he landed at Makin, a party of about fifteen hundred natives arrived there in canoes from Apia, from which island they had been driven by the warriors of Tarawa. Lieutenant Paulding found at Byron's Island a large population. He says (Journal, p. 95), "the islet abreast of us was all night illuminated with numerous fires, and the air rung with the shouts of hundreds of people. When the day dawned, the whole ocean was whitened with the little sails of canoes that were seen coming from every direction, and some of them as far as the eye could distinguish so small an object. In an hour not less than a hundred of them were alongside, and our deck was covered with people." 24 94 ETHNOGRAPHY. middle size, well made and slender. Their colour is a copper-brown, a shade darker than that of the Tahitians. The hair is black, glossy, and fine, with a slight tendency to curl. The features are small, but high and well-marked : the eye large, bright, and black, — the nose straight or slightly aquiline, but always widened at the lower part, — the mouth rather large, with full lips and small teeth. The cheek- bones project forward so much as to give the eyes the appearance of being a little sunken. They have mustachios and beard very black and fine, like their hair, but rather scanty. The usual height is about five feet eight or nine inches, but we saw many who were considerably below this standard. There are none of those burly persons among them which are so common in the Sandwich and Society Islands, and we did not see one instance of obesity. The women are still smaller, in proportion, than the men, with slight figures, and small delicate features. Several among them would have been esteemed pretty in any country." The difference which exists between these natives and those of Makin will be seen by comparing this description with that which follows : — " Having understood that they were of the same race with the other islanders, we were quite unprepared for the extraordinary sight that was now presented. Instead of the slender forms, sharp features, and stern countenances of the Drummond islanders, we saw a crowd of stout, hearty figures, and round, jolly faces, which, though different in features, recalled to our minds the bulky chieftains of Ta- hiti. They were also lighter in complexion than the southern tribes, and more tattooed. " One of the first who came on board was a perfect mass of fat. Though of good height, he appeared really short, from his immense girth. As he walked, the flesh of his cheeks and breasts shook like a jelly. His limbs were of enormous size, but smooth as those of a child. His face was round, with neatly-cut whiskers and mustachios, and his fine hair in black glossy ringlets fell down on his shoulders. When he smiled, every feature was dilated with joy, and an even row of small white teeth was displayed which a lady might have envied. There were several others on board of little inferior size, and a native in a canoe, who was pointed out to us by the white man as the king of the island, was actually so fat that he would not venture to ascend the ship's side. The greater part of the natives, who did not attain such an immoderate bulk, were distinguished by finely-moulded forms and handsome faces. The outline of their features was regular MICRONESIA. 95 and pleasing, though all had that spread of the nostrils which we have observed in the southern islanders. The profiles of some were really beautiful." This difference in looks is accompanied by as great a difference in character. Both are highly ingenious, as is shown in the construction of their houses and canoes, the manufacture of their dresses and armour, and by the numerous comforts and conveniences with which, under very unfavourable circumstances, they have managed to sur- round themselves. On the other hand, the natives of the southern islands are suspicious and irritable, with a certain wildness and fero- city in their manners, which is in strong contrast with the rnild and kindly disposition of the people of Makin. The latter are a remark- ably soft and gentle race, not without a tinge of effeminacy. Of their humanity, a high idea is given by the statement of Grey, that, during the five years that he was among them, only one man was put to death. Cannibalism, moreover, is unknown among them, except by tradition; whereas on the southern islands, though not common, it is occasion- ally practised, and is not regarded with any particular horror. Kirby knew of five men being killed and. eaten while he was on Apamama. It is said, however, that the southern natives, though easily offended, are as readily appeased ; their animosity seldom settles into a long- continued rancour. From this statement we must except certain cases arising out of jealousy between married women, who, when they conceive themselves aggrieved, will sometimes, for months together, carry about with them a small weapon of sharks' teeth concealed under their dress, and watch an opportunity of attacking the object of their jealousy. Desperate fights sometimes take place between these fierce Amazons before they can be parted. But ex- cepting such instances, Kirby always found the women more humane and gentle than the men. The respect paid to the chiefs varies at the different clusters. At Drummond's Island we remarked, in the manners of the natives, a kind of saucy boldness and rude independence, which would hardly have existed among a people used to submission and deference. At Apamama the chiefs have probably more respect paid them, and in Makin, Grey assured us that a strict subordination was maintained, and that the distinction of classes was strongly marked in the man- ners as well as the usages of the inhabitants. Generosity, hospitality, and attention to the aged and infirm, are virtues highly esteemed and generally practised among all the natives. 96 ETHNOGRAPHY. Kirby knew of no word for poor man except that for slave. Any person who has land, can always call upon his friends to provide him with a house, a canoe, and the other necessaries of life; while one who has no land has nothing else, and is, of course, a slave. The worst stain on the character of this people is a shocking and cruel practice, which Kotzebue found also among the people of Ra- dack, arid D'Urville on the island of Tikopia. It is that of destroying their unborn children, after the second or third, in order to escape the inconvenience of a numerous family. This is the reason assigned by the natives; the general argument that the islands would else become too densely peopled for their means of subsistence seems not to occur to them. To the honour of the natives of Makin it should be recorded, that this custom does not exist among them. The women are, for the most part, better treated among them than among uncivilized people in general. All the hard, out-door labour, is performed by the men. They build the houses and canoes, catch the fish, collect and bring home the fruits which serve for food, and do most of the cultivation. The women aid them to clear and weed the ground, and attend to the domestic duties which naturally fall to them. The custom also requires that when a man meets a female, he shall pay her the same mark of respect as is rendered to a chief, by turning aside from the path to let her pass. -This courtesy, how- ever, does not pervade all the intercourse of the sexes. A man, if provoked, will not hesitate to strike a woman, who seldom fails to return the blow ; sometimes several of her companions will come to her aid, and the man is perhaps glad to escape well bruised, and covered with scratches. Connected with the suspicious and irritable temper which charac- terizes the people of the southern clusters, is a disposition to sul- lenness and despondency, which sometimes leads them to commit suicide. Kirby knew five instances, on his own island, of men and women destroying themselves, and of several others who attempted it and were prevented by their friends. These cases of self-murder arose out of offence taken at the conduct of some person whom fear or affection made them unwilling to injure ; the mingled spite, mortifi- cation, and grief produced a dejection which led at last to an act con- sidered by them a certain remedy for their sufferings, and perhaps a severe revenge upon those who had ill-treated them. We have heard before of a similar trait in the character of the Feejeeans. The word manda signifies among them a man thoroughly accom- MICRONESIA. 97 plished in all their knowledge and arts, and versed in every noble exercise : a good dancer, an able warrior, one who has seen life at home and abroad, and enjoyed its highest excitements and delights, — in short, a complete man of the world. In their estimation, this is the proudest character to which any person can attain, and such a one is fully prepared to enter, at his death, on the highest enjoyments of their elysium. RELIGION. In the clusters of Apamama and Tarawa, three kinds of divinities are worshipped. The first class consists of proper deities, of whom there are several, such as Tabueriki, Itivini, Itituapeu, Aorierie, &c. Of these the first-named, called also Wanigain, is the greatest, not as being superior in his attributes to the rest, but merely from having the greatest number of worshippers. About two-thirds of the people pray to him as their tutelary divinity ; the rest do not acknowledge his authority, but address their prayers to other deities, or to the spirits of their ancestors, or to certain kinds of fish, which constitute the other two classes of divinities. Tabueriki is worshipped under the form of a flat coral stone, of irregular shape, about three feet long by eighteen inches wide, set up on one end in the open air. It is tied round with leaves of the cocoa-nut tree, which considerably in- crease its size and height. These are changed every month, to keep them always green. The worship paid to the god consists in repeat- ing prayers before this stone, and laying beside it a portion of the food prepared by the natives for their own use. This is done at their daily meals, at festivals, and whenever they particularly wish to propitiate his favour. The first fruits of the season are always offered to the god. Every family of distinction has one of these stones, which is considered rather in the light of a family altar than as an idol. At Makin, according to Grey, the names of Tabueriki, Itivini, and the other deities, are unknown, and the only spirits which the natives worship are those of their ancestors. When a chief dies, a stone, simi- lar to those dedicated in the other islands to Tabueriki, is set up, and dressed in the same manner with leaves. The reverence offered to it is exactly the same, being a presentation of food accompanied with prayers. Hence there can be little doubt that the deities worshipped in the southern clusters were only deified chiefs, the memory of whose existence has been lost in the lapse of time. The reverence paid to 25 gg ETHNOGRAPHY. certain kinds of fish may have its origin here, as at Banabe, in some rude idea of a metempsychosis. The ancestors of chiefs are represented (so to speak) by their skulls, which are carefully preserved by their descendants. When their spirits are to be invoked, these skulls are taken down, placed on a mat, and anointed with cocoa-nut oil; the brows are bound with leaves, and food is set before the fleshless jaws. The general term for spirit and divinity is anti. At Makin there are no priests, and the invocations are usually made by the head of the family, or by each individual for himself. On Tarawa and Apamama every family which has a tutelar divinity has also a priest, whose duty it is to perform the rites of worship, and whose perquisites consist in the food offered to the god, which, after remaining a short time, is taken away by him and eaten in his own house. These priests are called ibonga or tlbonga.* They do not constitute a distinct class connected by any bond of union among themselves ; but any young man of free birth, who is apt at reciting prayers, may become a priest. The mode in which the priest receives the oracles of the god is as follows. On the sandy beach, at the weather side of the island, are several houses, called ba-ni-mata, or bata rianti (spirit-houses). They are of the usual size and shape of dwelling-houses, but the walls are of coral stone, and they have no loft, or upper division. The door- way is always in the west end, because the Kainakaki, or country of spirits, lies in that direction. In the middle of the house a sort of altar, or stout pillar of coral stone, is built up to the height of three feet and a half, having in the centre a hollow about ten or twelve inches in diameter. To this hollow the priest applies his ear, and is supposed to receive from thence the instructions of his divinity. The building, it should be observed, is not considered essential, and the pillar some- times stands uncovered on the beach. The true signification of anti seems to be deified spirit. The usual expression for soul is tamune or tdmre, meaning properly shadow. They believe that as soon as a person dies, his spirit or shade ascends into the air, and is carried about for a time by the winds whitherso- * It was often impossible, in writing down words from the pronunciation of Kirby and Grey to determine, when they began with t, whether this letter was a part of the word, or merely the prefixed article te. In this case we at first supposed that tibonga was a contraction of te ibonga ; it may, however, be merely a corruption of the Polynesian word tufunga, — the/ becoming b in the Tarawan language. MICRONESIA. 99 ever they may chance to blow. At last it is supposed to arrive at the Kainakaki, a sort of elysium, where the spirits pass their time in feasting, dancing, and whatever occupations were most agreeable to them in their bodily existence. This elysium is placed by the natives on the island of Tarawa. On this there are several mounds, or raised areas, of various sizes, the largest being about a mile long by half a mile in breadth.* None of these exceed twenty-four feet in height above the surrounding soil, but even so slight an elevation is enough to make them conspicuous in one of these islands. Each of these mounds is supposed to be the site of a Kainakaki or paradise, which is, of course, invisible to mortal eyes. The ground is considered sacred, and though usually overgrown with trees, no native will ven- ture to cut them down. When a tree falls, it is taken away, and another planted in its place. If the persons who die are old and feeble, their shades are carried to the Kainakaki by the spirits of those who have died before them. The souls of infants are received by the shades of their female relatives, and nursed and brought up, till they are able to take care of themselves. Only those who are tat- tooed (being chiefly persons of free birth) can expect to reach the Kainakaki. All others are intercepted on their way, and devoured by a monstrous giantess, called Baine. On Makin, this belief respecting the Kainakaki did not prevail, and Grey thought (though his knowledge on such points was very limited) that the natives supposed the spirits of the dead to remain near the places where they resided in life, and sometimes to appear in dreams to their friends and relatives. The funeral ceremonies are among the most remarkable of their customs. At Apamama, when a man dies, his body is taken to the maniapa, or council-house of the town, where it is washed and laid out on a clean mat. Here it remains for eight or ten days, during which the people express their grief by wailing and singing songs in praise of the dead, and what is rather singular, by dancing. They esteem it, moreover, a great weakness to shed tears at such times. Every day, at noon, the body is taken out into the sun, and washed and oiled. When the mourning is ended, the corpse is sewed up in two mats, and sometimes buried in the house of the nearest relatives, the head being always turned towards the east, — sometimes stowed * This, it must be remembered, was the information which Kirby received from natives of Apamama ; he had never visited Tarawa. 100 ETHNOGRAPHY. away in the loft of the building. When the flesh is nearly gone, the skull is taken off, and having been carefully cleansed, is preserved as an object of worship, — or rather as representing the spirit of the de- ceased, which has become a divinity. In the northern cluster, a still stranger custom prevails, and one which it costs an effort to believe. According to Grey's account, after the first ceremonies of wailing, the body is washed and laid out upon a new mat, which is spread on a large oblong plate, made of several tortoise-shells sewed together. From two to six persons, according to the size of the corpse, seat themselves opposite one another on the floor of the house (commonly the dwelling of the de- ceased) and hold the plate, with the body of their friend, upon their knees. When tired, they are relieved by others, and in this way the service is kept up for a space of time, varying with the rank of the deceased, from four months to two years ! All persons, whether free- born or slaves, receive these peculiar honours after death. During the time the corpse is thus lying in state, a fire is kept up day and night in the house, and its extinction would be regarded as a most unlucky omen. At the end of the period, the remains are sometimes wrapped in mats, and deposited in the loft of the house ; but more commonly they are buried in a piece of ground set apart for the pur- pose, and the grave is marked by a stone erected at the head, another at the foot, and a third laid horizontally across these two. The skulls of the chiefs are preserved and treated with the same marks of reve- rence as at the other islands. — To our inquiry how the people could afford to spend their time in this preposterous manner, Grey replied at once, — " One half of them have nothing else to do," — a statement which, from what little we saw of the islands and the people, we could very well believe. GOVERNMENT. From what we learned, it is likely that the form of government differs to some extent on each of the four clusters into which the group is divided. We have, however, no definite information except in regard to those of Apamama and Makin. On the former we find a system of civil policy similar to that which prevails in Polynesia. Society is divided into three ranks, chiefs or nobles (u£a or damata), landholders (katoka), and common people or serfs (kawa). The oamata are the free and well-born natives, who possess the greater MICRONESIA. 101 part of the land, and all the political authority. The heads of families are called uea, and the oldest uea of a town is the presiding chief (mo n' te apa, literally, front of the land). The katoka are persons not originally of noble birth, who, either by the favour of their chief, or by good fortune in war, have acquired land, and with it freedom, — but who have yet no voice in the public council, in which all matters of general import are determined. These are held in a large house called the maniapa,* of sufficient size to contain all the men of the place. In this, every noble family has its own seat along the sides of the house ; the middle is open to the slaves and katokas, who have no voice in the council. When any affair renders a meeting necessary, the oldest or presiding chief sends out messengers, who summon the people by the sound of conchs. The assembly being convened, the chief proposes the question, and any noble who chooses to speak rises and delivers his opinion. The discussions are sometimes very ani- mated, and violent quarrels occasionally take place between different speakers, who are with difficulty prevented from coming to blows. Although no regular vote is taken, the sense of the majority is soon apparent, and determines the result. In some of the islands and clusters, certain chiefs have obtained, by success in war, a superiority over the rest of the nobles, and made themselves sovereigns of their respective countries. Kirby had understood that there was a king on Taputeouea, but if so, his authority is not unquestioned, for two par- ties were at war on the island when we visited it. There is a king on the group of Apamama, and another on that of Tarawa, both of whom have acquired their power very lately. On Makin there is also a sovereign chief, but the system of govern- ment is, in some respects, different. There are, according to Grey, three ranks, iomata or royal chiefs, tiomata or gentry, and rang or common people. The first-named were originally of the same class with the second. About a hundred years ago, Teouki, the grand- father of the reigning king, and a mighty warrior, succeeded in con- centrating in his own hands the sovereign power, which was before lodged with the whole body of the gentry or petty chiefs. His descendants constitute the iomata, and share among them the supre- macy, though there is one that retains especially the title of head-chief. Besides these, there is a bu-ni-matang, or chief judge, as Grey termed * This word was so written at the time ; we have since thought that it should perhaps be uma-ni-apa, literally, house of the town, or town-house. 26 102 ETHNOGRAPHY. him, who seems to be a sort of prime minister, and really has the direction of the government. As regards their system of descent we could learn but little. At the time we were there, the king was a young man, and his father was still living ; though hardly past the prime of life, and in the full vigor of his faculties, he had resigned his power to his son, — but whether of his own accord, or in obedience to some established law, Grey could not inform us. TATTOOING. There is nothing peculiar or striking in the tattooing of these natives. It is mostly in short, oblique lines, about an eighth of an inch apart. These are arranged in perpendicular rows, of which there are four or five down the back, on each side of the spine ; with a similar marking in front, beginning just below the collar-bone. The legs also are imprinted, but not the arms or face. The women are tattooed in the same manner, but not so much as the men. There are professional tattooers, whose prices are so high that slaves cannot, in general, afford to be thus ornamented, but there is no law against it. On the dark-skinned race of the southern clusters, the marking does not show very clearly, and at a little distance would hardly be observed ; but on the natives of Makin it is quite distinct. HOUSES, CANOES, ETC. The dwelling-houses have two stories, a ground floor and a loft, or garret, separated by a horizontal partition of slender sticks laid upon joists. According to Kirby, this mode of building was adopted in order to escape the ravages made by the rats, which swarm in the islands. As the loft is only connected with the ground by the four corner posts, the lower part of the house being open all around, these animals cannot reach the food, mats, and other articles which are kept in it. It is curious enough that an animal so insignificant should thus affect the architecture of a numerous people. On the Apamama cluster, and the islands south of it, the loft is raised but three or four feet above the ground, and of course the inmates on the lower floor must be constantly in a sitting or reclining posture. On Tarawa, however, the houses were larger, and some had two upper stories, the second floor being laid about three feet above the first. On Makin, where the supply of timber is abundant, the houses are of MICRONESIA. J03 still greater size, and the partition is made of sufficient height to enable the people to stand upright under it. The council-houses have no lofts, and are of great size. That at the town of Utiroa, on Taputeouea, was a hundred and twenty feet long, by forty-five wide, and about forty high at the ridge-pole. On the islands to the north they are still larger, and from the descriptions of the two seamen, as well as from the distant view which we had of them, must be enormous structures. Their canoes resemble very nearly, in model, construction, and rig, those of the Feejeeans. They are not flat on one side, like those of the Mulgrave islanders, but have the shape of a long and narrow boat. The largest, which are found at Makin, are not less than sixty feet in length, by six in width. They sail very near the wind, and move with a rapidity which has acquired for them the name of " flying proas." The dress, ornaments, and arms of the natives do not differ mate- rially from those which have been described as proper to the people on the low islands of this archipelago. The defensive armour, how- ever, intended to protect the body from the formidable edges of the sharks-teeth weapons, is probably peculiar to them. It consists of a jacket and trousers of a very thick, close network, braided of cocoa- nut sirmet, and a cuirass made likewise of this cord, but woven so compactly, and in so many thicknesses, as to form a solid board, half an inch through, which would form a tolerable defence even against the blow of a sword. Its shape is nearly that of the ancient cuirass, except that a square piece rises up behind to protect the head from a side blow. They have also caps or helmets, ingeniously made of the skin of the porcupine-fish, cut off at the head and then extended to the proper size. It becomes stiff and hard in drying, and the spines protruding on every side aid in warding off the blows of the dreaded weapons. ROTUMA, OR GRANVILLE ISLAND. This island is situated in 12° 30' of north latitude, and 177° 15' of east longitude. It is three hundred miles distant from any other land, and cannot properly be included in either one of the three ethnographical regions of the Pacific. Its inhabitants more resemble the Caroline islanders in their appearance and character, but their customs assimilate them rather to the Polynesians. Their dialect is 104 ETHNOGRAPHY. a mixture of Polynesian words, very much corrupted, with those of some other language, unlike any which has been elsewhere found. They show, also, in some of their usages, and some words of their language, traces of communication with their Feejeean neighbours to the south. During our brief stay at Tongatabu, in April of 1840, several natives of Rotuma came on board our vessel, and I took that oppor- tunity to obtain the vocabulary which is given in another place. The one to whom I was principally indebted was an elderly man, by name, Tui-Rotuma,* a petty chief, who had been two voyages in a whaler, and had thus acquired some knowledge of English. With him was a young chief of high rank, by name. Tokaniua, to whom the other seemed to act as guardian. They had left their island about two years before, with several attendants, in a whale-ship, for the purpose of visiting the Friendly Islands, and seeing something of the world. Unfortunately, since their arrival, Tui-Rotuma had be- come blind, and war having broken out on Tonga, between the Christian and heathen parties, their situation had become uncom- fortable. The old councillor, in particular, was desirous of getting away, giving as his reason, that the young chief, his companion, would one day be king, and that therefore it would not be well for him to be at Tonga during the civil dissensions ; he would, as Tui- Rotuma expressed it, " see too much fight." The Rotumans resemble the Polynesians in form and complexion, but their features have more of the European cast. They have large noses, wide and prominent cheek-bones, full eyes, and considerable beard. They are tattooed in large masses over the middle of the body, from the navel nearly to the knee ; on the breast and arms they have light marks, varying somewhat in shape, but generally like a row of arrow-heads. The expression of their countenances, which is mild, intelligent, and prepossessing, corresponds with their character, which is superior in many respects to that of the Polynesians. Like the Caroline islanders, they are good-natured, confiding, and hospitable. No instance, I believe, of any difficulty between them and their foreign visitors has ever occurred. They are distinguished, moreover, for their forethought and consideration. Their island, having a popula- * This name, in the Tonga dialect, signifies " Lord of Rotuma ;" it had, however, no such meaning in the language of this island, but was simply an appellative. MICRONESIA. 105 tion of four or five thousand, with a circuit of only twenty-five miles, and a hilly surface, does not always produce a sufficient supply of food for its inhabitants. There are, therefore, many of the poorer classes who are eager to engage as seamen on board whale-ships, where they remain until they have accumulated sufficient property, in those articles which are esteemed valuable among their country- men, to enable them, on their return, to purchase land and live com- fortably for the rest of their days. They make excellent sailors, and are highly prized, not only for their intelligence and docility, but also for their prudence and regular conduct. Their system of government is peculiar and singular. The island is divided into twenty-four districts, each under a high chief (ngan- gdtsha). Each of these chiefs, in regular rotation, holds, for the space of twenty months, the sovereignty of the island, during which time -he presides in the councils, and receives tribute from the rest. To- kanina belonged to this class. The official title of the head chief is riamkau, but they use also the Vitian word sau, meaning king. Next to the high chiefs come the councillors or elders (mamthua or mathua), who correspond to the matabules of Tonga. The mass of the people are called tha-muri (da-muri), answering to the ttias, or lower class of the Friendly Islands. Of their religion I could obtain but little information. The word for god is oitu or aitu, which is probably the same with the Samoan aitu, spirit. Ri faka-oitu, spirit-house, is the word for temple, and hanua on aitu, land of spirits, is their term for heaven, or the resi- dence of the gods. But whether these spirits are proper divinities, my informant, whose knowledge of English was limited to the most ordinary terms, could not explain. The dress, manufactures, and arts of these islanders have a general resemblance to those of the Friendly and Navigator Islands. Some of their customs, however, appear to be of Feejeean origin. Thus, one of the men who came on board had his hair disposed in frizzled masses around his head ; and the young girls are said to colour their locks of a dingy white by washing them with lime-water. It is remarkable that the Rotumans reckon by periods of six months, or moons, instead of the full year. Living as they do, on a small island near the equator, at a distance from any extensive land, the changes of temperature must be slight, and the difference of seasons hardly perceptible. The westerly winds which blow from October to April do, no doubt, serve to distinguish this period of the 27 106 ETHNOGRAPHY. year; but they cannot materially affect the course of vegetation. At the Kingsmill Group, situated directly under the equator, the natives reckon by periods of ten months, a number evidently adopted for con- venience of counting, and with no reference whatever to any natural seasons. The names of the Rotuman months are — Oi-papa, March (and September). Tqftafi, April (and October). Hdua, May, &c. Kesepi, June. Fdsoyhdu, July. AQapudya August. AUSTRALIA. This land, of which we know not whether the proper designation be an island or a continent, is known as a region of singularities. Not the least of these are the combinations of what, judging from precon- ceived ideas, may well be termed contrarieties, in the physical traits, moral qualities, customs, and language of the aborigines. Thus they have, at once, the dusky hue and elongated visage of the negro, with the fine, straight hair of the European ; they are excessively super- stitious and yet almost devoid of religious (or devotional) feelings; with the strongest attachment to their native district, they can rarely be brought to spend more than three days in one spot ; and though their idiom abounds in complex inflections, like those of the American Indians, it has less facility of composition than the English. During our stay in New South Wales, we had good opportunities for ac- quiring information concerning this singular variety of the human species. At Sydney, Hunter's River, and Wellington Valley, we found natives from all parts of the colony, from Moreton Bay on the north, to the Muruya River on the south, and from the coast to a distance of three hundred miles into the interior. The result of our examination, and of the comparison of dialects, was a conviction that all the natives of that part of New Holland were of one stock. Further comparisons induce us to extend this remark to the entire continent, though, before coming to any positive conclusion on the subject, it will be necessary to possess some more accurate knowledge than we now have, of the dialects spoken in Northern Australia, more especially of their grammatical characteristics. AUSTRALIA. 107 The number of the aborigines is very small in proportion to the extent of territory which they occupy. It cannot be rated higher than two hundred thousand for the whole of Australia. Some esti- mates reduce it as low as seventy-five thousand. These calculations, of course, suppose that the unexplored region does not differ mate- rially, as respects the density of the population, from that which is known. PHYSICAL TRAITS. The natives of Australia are of the middle height, few of the men being above six or under five feet. They are slender in make, with long arms and legs, and when in good condition, their forms are pretty well proportioned. Usually, however, their wandering life, irre- gular habits, and bad food keep them extremely meagre, and as this thinness is accompanied by a protuberance of the abdomen, it gives to their figures a distorted and hardly human appearance. The cast of the face is a medium between the African and the Malay types. The forehead is narrow, sometimes retreating, but often high and prominent ; the eyes are small, black, and deep-set ; the nose is much depressed at the upper part between the eyes, and widened at the base, but with this, it frequently has an aquiline outline. The cheek- bones are prominent. The mouth is large, with thick lips and strong well-set teeth. The jaws project, but the chin is frequently retracted. The head, which is very large, with a skull of unusual thickness, is placed upon a short and small neck. Their colour is a dark chocolate or reddish-black, like that of the Guinea negro, but varying in shade so much that individuals of pure blood are sometimes as light- coloured as mulattoes. That which distinguishes them most decidedly from other dark-skinned races is their hair, which is neither woolly, like that of the Africans and Melanesians, nor frizzled like that of the Feejeeans, nor coarse, stiff, and curling, as with the Malays. It is long, fine, and wavy like that of Europeans. When neglected, it is apt, of course, to become bushy and matted, but when proper care is taken of it, it appears as we have described. It is sometimes of a glossy black, but the most common hue is a deep brown. Most of the natives have thick beards, and their skins are more hairy than those of whites. 108 ETHNOGRAPHY. CHARACTER. It is doubtful what grade of intellectual capacity is to be assigned to this people. Several who have been taken from the forest when young, and received instruction, have shown a readiness in acquiring knowledge and a quickness of apprehension which have surprised their teachers. Most of the natives learn the English language with great facility, and the children who were under the instruction of the missionary at Wellington Valley evinced, in his opinion, a greater aptitude for music than most white children. With all this, it must be said, that the impression produced on the mind of a stranger, by an intercourse with the aborigines, in their natural state, is that of great mental obtuseness, — or, in plain terms, an almost brutal stu- pidity. They never count beyond four, or, in some tribes, three ; all above this number is expressed by a term equivalent to many. Their reasoning powers seem to be very imperfectly developed. The arguments which are addressed to them by the white settlers, for the purpose of convincing or persuading them, are often such as we should use towards a child, or a partial idiot. Their superstitions evince, for the most part, this same character of silliness. Some are so absurd as to excite at once laughter and amazement. The absurdity, it should be remarked, is not the result of an extravagant imagination, as with some portion of the Hindoo mythology, but downright childishness and imbecility. One instance, given on the authority of Mr. Threlkeld, missionary at Lake Macquarie, will probably be sufficient. In a bay, at the northwest extremity of that lake, are many petrifactions of wood, which the natives believe to be fragments of a large rock that formerly fell from heaven and destroyed a number of people. The author of this catastrophe was an enormous lizard of celestial origin, who collected the men together, and then caused the stone to fall. His anger had been excited against them by the impiety which they had evinced in killing vermin (lice), by roasting them in the fire. Those who had killed them by cracking were speared to death by him with a long reed which he had brought from the skies. When all the offenders were destroyed, the lizard reascended to heaven, where he still remains. It is evident that the chief interest which can be taken in such a people will arise from the singularities that distinguish them from the rest of the human race. These singularities are especially AUSTRALIA. 109 remarkable in their moral qualities. Although living constantly in what appears to us a most degraded state, and frequently suffering from actual want, they are nevertheless extravagantly proud. The complete personal independence to which they are accustomed gives to their ordinary demeanor an air of haughtiness and even of inso- lence. Nothing will induce them to acknowledge any human being (of their own age) their superior, or show any mark of deference. At Wellington Valley, the missionary, Mr. Watson, was the only one to whom they gave, in speaking, the title of Mr., and that merely from habit acquired in youth ; all others, of whatever rank, they addressed by their names alone, — as Jack, Tom, Wright, Walker. This does not proceed from ignorance on their part, as they under- stand the distinctions of rank among the whites, and are continually witnesses of the subservience and respect exacted by one class from the other. They appear to have a sense — or it may almost be termed an instinct — of independence, which disposes them on all occasions to assert their equality with the highest. They frequently observe, on being asked to work, " white fellow works, not black fellow ; black fellow gentleman." On entering a room, they will not remain stand- ing, out of respect, but generally seat themselves immediately. They are not great talkers, arid dislike to be much spoken to, particularly in a tone of raillery. A gentleman told me that he was once amusing himself by teasing a native, in perfect good humor, when the man suddenly seized a billet of wood, threw it at him, and then rushed for his spear in a state of fury. When he was pacified, and made to see that no insult was intended, he begged that they would not talk to him again in that manner, or he might be unable to restrain his temper. They are, in general, silent and reserved, and appear to look upon the whites with a mixture of distrust and contempt. To govern them by threats and violence is impossible. They immediately take to the " bush," resume their wandering habits, and retaliate by spear- ing the cattle of their persecutors, and sometimes murdering the men. They never, however, carry on any systematic warfare, and their dread of the whites is so great that large parties of them have been dispersed by the resistance of a few resolute herdsmen. Though constantly wandering, they are not great travellers, usu- ally confining themselves to a radius of fifty miles from the place which they consider more peculiarly their residence. If ever they venture beyond this, as they sometimes do, in company with a party 28 ETHNOGRAPHY. of whites, they always betray the greatest fear of falling in with any maial, or strange blacks, who, they take it for granted, would put them to death immediately. This extreme timidity is, indeed, one cause of the ferocity which the natives sometimes display. If a party of blacks in the interior, who are unacquainted with white men, be approached suddenly, and taken by surprise, they are commonly seized with a panic which deprives them of reason. Supposing that they are surrounded and destined to death, they seize their weapons, and rush forward in frenzy, to sell their lives as dearly as possible. RELIGION. The lack of religious feeling in these natives has already been mentioned. The missionaries have found it impossible, after many years' labor, to make the slightest impression upon them. They do not ascribe this to any attachment, on the part of the blacks, to their own creed, if such it may be called, for they appear to care little about it. Some of their ceremonies, which partook of a religious character, have been lately discontinued, but. nothing has been sub- stituted in their place. It is not true, however, as has been frequently asserted, that the natives have no idea of a supreme being, although they do not, allow this idea to influence their actions. The Wellington tribe, at least, believe in the existence of a deity called Baiamai, who lives on an island beyond the great sea to the east. His food is fish, which come up to him from the water, when he calls to them. Some of the natives consider him the maker of all things, while others attri- bute the creation of the world to his son Burambin. They say of him, that Baiamai spoke, and Burambin came into existence. When the missionaries first came to Wellington, the natives used to assemble once a year, in the month of February, to dance and sing a song in honor of Baiamai. This song was brought there from a distance by strange natives, who went about teaching it. Those who refused to join in the ceremony were supposed to incur the displeasure of the god. For the last three years the custom has been discontinued. In the tribe on Hunter's River, there was a native famous for the compo- sition of these songs or hymns, which, according to Mr. Threlkeld were passed from tribe to tribe, to a great distance, until many of the words became at last unintelligible to those who sang them. Dararrvirgal, a brother of Baiamai, lives in the far west. It was he who lately sent the small-pox among the natives, for no better AUSTRALIA. HI reason than that he was vexed for want of a tomahawk. But now he is supposed to have obtained one, and the disease will come no more. The Balumbal are a sort of angels, who are said to be of a white color, and to live on a mountain at a great distance to the southeast. Their food is honey, and their employment to do good " like mission- aries." It is possible that some of these stories owe their origin to inter- course with the whites, though the great unwillingness which the natives always evince to adopt any customs or opinions from them militates against such a supposition. But a being who is, beyond question, entirely the creation of Australian imagination, is one who is called in the Wellington dialect Wandong, though the natives have learned from the whites to apply to him the name of devil. He is an object not of worship, but merely of superstitious dread. They describe him as going about under the form of a black man of super- human stature and strength. He prowls at night through the woods around the encampments of the natives, seeking to entrap some unwary wanderer, whom he will seize upon, and having dragged him to his fire, will there roast and devour him. They attribute all their afflictions to his malevolence. If they are ill, they say Wandong has bitten them. No one can see this being but the nuyargir, or conju- rors, who assert that they can kill him, but that he always returns to life. He may, however, be frightened away by throwing fire at him (though this statement seerns inconsistent with that respecting his invisibility), and no native will go out at night without a firebrand, to protect him from the demon. There is some difference in the accounts given of this character. By the tribe of Hunter's River he is called Koin or Koen. Some- times, when the blacks are asleep, he makes his appearance, seizes upon one of them and carries him off. The person seized endeavors in vain to cry out, being almost strangled; "at daylight, however, Koin disappears, and the man finds himself conveyed safely to his own fireside." From this it would appear that the demon is here a sort of personification of the nightmare, — a visitation to which the natives, from their habits of gorging themselves to the utmost when they obtain a supply of food, must be very subject. At the Muruya River the devil is called Tulugal. He was de- scribed to us, by a native, as a black man of great stature, grizzled with age, who has very long legs, so that he soon overtakes a man, but very short arms, which brings the contest nearer an equality. H2 ETHNOGRAPHY. This goblin has a wife who is much like himself, but still more feared, being of a cruel disposition, with a cannibal appetite, espe- cially for young children. It would hardly be worth while to dwell upon these superstitions, but that they seem to characterise so dis- tinctly the people, at once timid, ferocious, and stupid, who have invented them. Their opinions with regard to the soul vary. Some assert that the whole man dies at once, and nothing is left of him. Others are of opinion that his spirit still survives, but upon this earth, either as a wandering ghost, or in a state of metempsychosis, animating a bird or other inferior creature. But the most singular belief is one which is found at both Port Stephens and Swan River, places separated by the whole breadth of the Australian continent. This is, that white people are merely blacks who have died, passed to a distant country, and having there undergone a transformation, have returned to their original homes. When the natives see a white man who strongly resembles one of their deceased friends, they give him the name of the dead person, and consider him to be actually the same being. SOCIAL POLITY. The Australians have nothing which can be called a government. They have not even any word, in the Wellington dialect, signifying a chief or superior, or any proper terms for the expressions " com- mand" " obey," and the like. Each family, being the source of all its own comforts and providing for its own wants, might, but for the love of companionship, live apart and isolated from the rest, without sacrificing any advantage. Their wars, religious celebrations, and festive assemblies are the only occasions when co-operation is really necessary among them, and even these are regulated by different principles from those which prevail among other savages. They have not, properly speaking, any distinction of tribes. Two bodies of men, speaking the same dialect, are frequently seen drawn up in battle against each other; and those who, in one war, are fellow- combatants, may, a few days afterwards, be in opposite ranks. They have, however, a social system of their own, regulated by customs of whose origin they can give no accoxint, and to which they conform apparently because they have no idea of any other mode of life, or because a different course would be followed by the universal reprobation of their fellows. Of these customs, which partake of the AUSTRALIA. singularity that distinguishes every thing relating to this people, the following arc the most remarkable. 1. The ceremony of initiation. When the boys arrive at the a&e of puberty (or about fourteen), the elders of a tribe prepare to initiate them into the duties and privileges of manhood. Suddenly, at night, a dismal cry is heard in the woods, which the boys are told is the Bubu calling for them. Thereupon all the men of the tribe (or rather of the neighborhood) set off for some secluded spot previously fixed upon, taking with them the youths who are to undergo the ceremony. The exact nature of this is not known, except that it consists of super- stitious rites, of dances representing the various pursuits in which men are engaged, of sharn-fights, and trials designed to prove the self- possession, courage, and endurance of the neophytes. It is certain, however, that there is some variation in the details of the ceremony, in different places; for among the coast tribes, one of these is the knocking out of an upper front tooth, which is not done at Wel- lington, and farther in the interior. But the nature and object of the institution appear to be every where the same. Its design unques- tionably is, to imprint upon the mind of the young man the rules by which his future life is to be regulated ; and some of these are so striking, and, under the circumstances, so admirable, that one is inclined to ascribe them to some higher state of mental cultivation than now prevails among the natives. Thus, the young men, from the time they are initiated till they are married, are forbidden to approach or speak to a female. They must encamp at a distance from them at night, and if they see one in the way, must make a long detour to avoid her. Mr. Watson told me that he had often been put to great inconvenience in travelling through the woods with a young man for his guide, as such a one could never be induced to approach an encampment where there were any women. The moral intent of this regulation is evident. Another rule requires the young men to pay implicit obedience to their elders. As there is no distinction of rank among them, it is evident that some authority of this kind is required to preserve the order and harmony of social intercourse. A third regulation restricts the youth to certain articles of diet. They are not allowed to eat fish, or eggs, or the emu, or any of the finer kinds of opossum and kangaroo. In short, their fare is required to be of the coarsest and most meagre description. As they grow older, the restrictions are removed, one after another; but it is not till they have passed the period of middle age that they are entirely un- 29 ETHNOGRAPHY. restrained in the choice of food. Whether one purpose of this law be to accustom the young men to a hardy and simple style of living may be doubted ; but its prime object and its result certainly are to pre- vent the young men from possessing themselves, by their superior strength and agility, of all the more desirable articles of food, and leaving only the refuse to the elders. 2. The ceremony of marriage, which, among most nations, is con- sidered so important and interesting, is, with this people, one of the least regarded. The woman is looked upon as an article of property, and is sold or given away by her relatives without the slightest con- sideration of her own pleasure. In some cases, she is betrothed, or rather promised, to her future husband in the childhood of both, and in this case, as soon as they arrive at a proper age, the young man claims and receives her. Some of them have four or five wives, and in such a case, they will give one to a friend who may happen to be destitute. Notwithstanding this apparent laxity, they are very jealous, and resent any freedom taken with their wives. Most of their quarrels relate to women. In some cases, the husband who suspects another native of seducing his wife, either kills or severely injures one or both of them. Sometimes the affair is taken up by the tribe, who inflict punishment after their own fashion. The manner of this is another of the singularities of their social system. 3. When a native, for any transgression, incurs the displeasure of his tribe, their custom obliges him to " stand punishment," as it is called : — that is, he stands with a shield, at a fair distance, while the whole tribe, either simultaneously, or in rapid succession, cast their spears at him. Their expertness generally enables those who are ex- posed to this trial to escape without serious injury, though instances occasionally happen of a fatal result. There is a certain propriety even in this extraordinary punishment, as it is very evident that the accuracy and force with which the weapons are thrown will depend very much upon the opinion entertained of the enormity of the offence. When the quarrel is between two persons only, and the tribe declines to interfere, it is sometimes settled by a singular kind of duello. The parties meet in presence of their kindred arid friends, who form a circle round them as witnesses and umpires. They stand up opposite one another, armed each with a club about two feet long. The injured person has the right of striking the first blow, to receive which the other is obliged to extend his head forward, with the side turned partially upwards. The blow is inflicted with a force com- mensurate with the vindictive feeling of the avenger. A white man, AUSTRALIA. 115 with an ordinary cranium, would be killed outright; but owing to the great thickness of their skulls, this seldom happens with the natives. The challenged party now takes his turn to strike, and the other is obliged to place himself in the same posture of convenience. In this way the combat is continued, with alternate buffets, until one of them is stunned, or the expiation is considered satisfactory. 4. What are called wars among them may more properly be con- sidered duels (if this word may be so applied) between two parties of men. One or more natives of "a certain part of the country, consi- dering themselves aggrieved by the acts of others in another part, assemble their neighbors to consult with them concerning the proper course to be pursued. The general opinion having been declared for war, a messenger or ambassador is sent to announce their intention to the opposite party. These immediately assemble their friends and neighbors, and all prepare for the approaching contest. In some cases, the day is fixed by the messenger, in others not; but, at all events, the time is well understood. The two armies (usually from fifty to two hundred each) meet, and after a great deal of mutual vituperation, the combat commences. From their singular dexterity in avoiding or parrying the missiles of their adversaries, the engagement usually continues a long time with- out any fatal result. When a man is killed (and sometimes before) a cessation takes place; another scene of recrimination, abuse, and ex- planation ensues, and the affair commonly terminates. All hostility is at an end, and the two parties mix amicably together, bury the dead, and join in a general dance. 5. One cause of hostility among them, both public and private, is the absurd idea which they entertain, that no person dies a natural death. If a man perishes of disease at a distance from his friends, his death is supposed to have been caused by some sorcerer of another tribe, whose life must be taken for satisfaction. If, on the other hand, he dies among his kindred, the nearest relative is held responsible. A native of the tribe at Hunter's River, who served me as a guide, had not long before beaten his own mother nearly to death, in revenge for the loss of his brother, who died while under her care. This was not because he had any suspicions of her conduct, but merely in obedience to the requirements of a senseless custom.* * It is said, however, that the harshness with which the Australian women are treated by their husbands sometimes induces them to retaliate by mixing poison wilh the food of the men. The custom referred to above may possibly have arisen from this cause, and would then be not so wholly unreasonable as it may, at first sight, appear. HQ ETHNOGRAPHY. The foregoing description will suffice to give a general idea of the character and customs of this singular race. For other details rela- tive to their habits and usages, the reader is referred to the general history of the voyage. We must, however, add some remarks con- cerning a few of their weapons, which deserve notice for their pecu- liarity. The first is the spear or lance, which, in its shape and use, resembles that of the Polynesians. But it is thrown by means of an implement called a ivammera, which is a straight stick, three feet in length, terminating at one end in an 'upturned socket, into which the blunt end of the spear is fitted, the spear itself being laid flat upon the wammera. Both are then grasped in one hand by the native, near the other end of the stick, or about three feet from the end of the spear, and when the latter is discharged, the stick is retained in the hand, and acts as a lever to increase its velocity. The boomerang, or, as it is called at Wellington, the bargan, is per- haps the most curious implement ever employed in warfare. It is shaped somewhat like a sabre, being a flat stick, three feet long and from one to two inches in breadth, which is curved or crooked at the middle, so as to form a very obtuse angle. Any one who saw it for the first time would naturally set it down for a clumsy kind of wooden sword. It is, however, a missile, and, in the hands of a native, forms a tolerably efficient weapon, which is used not only in war, but in taking birds and other small animals. It is grasped at one end by the right hand, and thrown either upwards into the air, or obliquely downwards, so as to strike the earth at some distance from the thrower. In the former case, it flies with a rotary motion, as its shape would lead us to expect. After ascending to a great distance through the air, in the direction first given to it, it suddenly re- turns in an elliptical orbit, to a spot not far from the starting point. Though the curve thus described is one which might unquestionably be determined by mathematical calculation, we must suppose that it was accident which first taught the use of this extraordinary weapon. When thrown towards the ground, the elasticity given by its curved shape causes it to rebound and fly forwards; it continues in this direction, touching the earth in a succession of rapid leaps, like a ball fired en ricochet, until it strikes the object at which it is thrown. MIGRATIONS OF THE OCEANIC TRIBES. POLYNESIA. As the examination of the customs and idioms of the Polynesian tribes leaves no room to doubt that they form, in fact, but a single nation, and as the similarity of their dialects warrants the supposition that no great length of time has elapsed since their dispersion, we are naturally led to inquire whether it may not be possible, bv the com- parison of their idioms and traditions, and by other indications, to determine, with at least some degree of probability, the original point from which their separation took place, and the manner in which it was effected. By this point is not meant the primitive seat of their race in the Malaisian Archipelago, though we may hereafter venture a conjecture with regard to this, but merely the island or group in the Pacific which was the first inhabited, and which bore to the rest the relation of the mother-country to its colonies. The first result of a careful investigation is to produce the convic- tion that the progress of emigration was from west to east, and not in the contrary direction. This conclusion may be deduced merely from an examination of the comparative grammar and vocabulary of the various dialects. We see in those of the western groups many forms which are entirely wanting in the eastern tongues; others, which are complete in the former, are found in the latter defective, and perverted from what seems evidently their original meaning. The reader is referred to H 40, 41, 54, 55, of the Gramm'ar, with respect especially to the desiderative and reciprocal forms of the verb, the pas- sive voice, and the plural of the possessive and demonstrative pronouns. Other comparisons serve to confirm this general deduction. We find in the west a comparatively simple mythology and spiritual worship, which, in the east, is perverted to a debasing and cruel idolatry. The fashion of tattooing, which, in Samoa and Tonga, is 30 118 ETHNOGRAPHY. intended to answer the purposes of decency, has degenerated else- where into a mode of ornament. Other facts, of a similar nature, might be mentioned, but it will hardly be thought necessary. One circumstance, however, must be noted, which becomes apparent in this investigation. The people of the Tonga or Friendly Group, though belonging to the Polynesian family, form a class apart from the rest. This is seen in their language, which differs strikingly, in several points, from the others, especially in the article, the pronouns, and the passive voice of the verb. Several of their customs are, more- over, peculiar, such as that of infant sacrifice, of cutting off a finger to appease the gods, their fashion of canoe-making, &c. It is evident that these islanders have received modifications in their language and usages from a source which has not affected the rest. We shall, for the present, leave this group out of the question, in our discussion, and recur to it hereafter. Before proceeding farther, it will be necessary to examine the only argument of importance which has been urged against the migration of the eastern islanders from the west. This is the supposed preva- lence of easterly winds within the tropics. Against this, many voyagers have adduced facts serving to show that these winds are by no means constant, and that they are frequently interrupted by others from the contrary direction ; and some have suggested the connexion of these last with the northwest monsoon of the China and Malayan Seas.* The observations made during our cruise have served to confirm this opinion, and put beyond a doubt the fact that during the winter months of our hemisphere, westerly and northwesterly winds prevail in the Pacific as far east as the limit of the Paumotu Archi- pelago, and perhaps still farther. For those observations the reader is referred to the general history of the voyage. We will only men- tion here, as a single instance, that in the month of February, 1840, we were, for twenty days, kept wind-bound at the Navigator Islands by constant and strong winds from the northwest. A canoe driven off from that group at this time, would, in all probability, have brought up on some one of the Society or Hervey Islands. It is at this season, and with this wind, moreover, that the most violent gales are experienced. At such times -the heavens are, for days together, * See Dillon's Voyage, vol. ii. p. 124; Kotzebue's Voyage to the South Seas (Eng. trans.), vol. ii. p. 122 ; Beechey's Voyage, p. 164. Also C. W. Redfield, in Silliman's American Journal of Science, for October, 1843, p. 302. OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. obscured by clouds, which deprive the island-voyager of his only means of determining even the direction in which he is driven. Mr. Ellis, whose writings form the most valuable contribution to the stock of knowledge which we possess concerning the South Sea Islands, observes that every native voyage of which we have any .account, has invariably been from east to west.* This, though it expresses what is generally true, is not perfectly correct. The greater number of such voyages are, no doubt, in that direction, because the easterly winds blow for three-fourths of the year, and it is chiefly at this season that the natives put to sea in their canoes. But not to speak of instances of less importance, we have the remarkable case of Kadu, a native of Ulea, in the Caroline Archipelago, who was found by Kotzebue, in 1817, on the island of Aur, one of the Radack Chain, to which he had been driven in a canoe with three companions, — a distance of nearly fifteen hundred miles due east. Beechey, in like manner, found on Barrow Island, in the Paumotu Archipelago, some natives of Chain Island, who had been drifted by the westerly winds six hundred miles to the eastward. Though the distance is not so great in this, as in the former instance, the fact is hardly less impor- tant, from the circumstance that the occurrence took place near the eastern limits of Polynesia. On our arrival at the Navigator Islands, we there first saw the newly published work of the Rev. John Williams, entitled, " A Nar- rative of Missionary Enterprise in the South Sea Islands." Of the mass of information which it contains, I was especially struck with that relating to the peopling of Rarotonga, the inhabitants of which consider themselves to be descended, in part, from emigrants from the Navigator Group. At another of the Hervey Islands, Aitutaki, the inhabitants believe that their ancestor ascended from a region beneath, termed, Avaiki.\ This account called to mind a similar tradition of the Marquesans, who gave to the lower region the name of Havaiki.\ It was impossible not to be reminded, at the same time, of the Hatvai'i of the Sandwich Islands. All these terms are the precise forms which the name of the largest of the Navigator Islands (Savai'i) would assume in the different dialects. It seemed * Polynesian Researches (Am. edit.), vol. i. p. 108. f Missionary Enterprise, p. 57. £ Stewart's Voyage to the South Seas, vol. i. p. 273. 120 ETHNOGRAPHY. probable, therefore, that by following this clue, the different tribes of Polynesia might all be referred back to their original seat. On com- municating these views to Mr. Williams, (but a few weeks before his lamented death,) he informed me that he had long entertained the opinion that the Samoan Islands were the source of population to the other groups of Polynesia. His intimate acquaintance with the lan- guage and traditions of three of the principal groups, and his general information on this subject, gave particular weight to his opinion. During the remainder of the voyage this investigation was pursued, and the results were found to accord perfectly with the view here expressed. In the writings of former voyagers many statements were found incidentally confirming the conclusion thus formed, and the more valuable as they were made with no reference whatever to such a supposition. Before proceeding farther, a word of explanation becomes neces- sary, with regard to the name of the island above-mentioned. Throughout Polynesia, with the exception of Samoa, all the prin- cipal groups are known to the people of the other groups by the name of their largest island, used in a general sense, as we commonly say England for the whole group of British Islands. Thus the Sandwich Islands are termed Hawaii, — the Marquesas, Nukuhioa, — the Society Islands, Tahiti, — the Gambier Group, Mangareva, and the Friendly Islands, Tonga. The Navigators, only, have a distinct name for their group. This word, Samoa, signifies in Malay all; it probably had originally the same signification in this dialect, and was applied to the group, as we use the word " Union," in speaking of the United States. In process of time it lost its general meaning, as an adjective, and became a mere appellative. At present, the only term for all, in this idiom, is uma, which means, properly, finished, com- plete. Before, however, the name Samoa came into general use, — or while it retained its primary sense of all, — some other means of designating the group must have been necessary, particularly for natives of other islands. It is reasonable to suppose that the same mode was adopted here as elsewhere, and that the name of the prin- cipal island was used for this purpose. By referring to the table of dialectical changes, given in the Com- parative Grammar, \ 2, it will be perceived that this name would, as has been already intimated, undergo certain alterations in the various idioms. The following are the regular forms as they may be deduced from the table : OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 1. Original form, Savaiki. 2. Snmoan dialect, Savafi. 3. Tahitian, Havai'i. 4. Sandwich Island, Hawafi. 5. Rarotongan and Mangarevan, Avaiki. 6. Nukuhivan, Havaiki. 7. New Zealand Hawaiki. It will be found that this is, so to speak, the key-word, which unlocks the mystery of the Polynesian migrations. TAHITI, OR THE SOCIETY ISLANDS. As our attention was not drawn to this subject of investigation (that which connects the Polynesians with Savaii) until after we left this group, we are unable here to add any thing to what has been given by others. Fortunately, this is amply sufficient for our pur- pose, and, as already remarked, has the great advantage of having been obtained and published without the possibility of a reference to any hypothesis like that now advanced. Mr. Ellis, in his Polynesian Researches (vol. ii. p. 234, American edition) says: — " Opoa is the most remarkable place in Raiatea; of its earth, according to some of their traditions, the first pair were made by Tii or Taaroa, and on its soil they fixed their abode. Here Oro held his court. It was called Hawaii; and as distant colonies are said to have proceeded from it, it was probably the place at which some of the first inhabitants of the South Sea Islands arrived." As there is no w in the Tahitian language (at least in the usual orthogra- phy), it is here evidently written instead of a v. In another part of the same work, (vol. i., p. 105,) the author, in treating of the origin of the Society islanders, inclines to refer them to the Sandwich Islands, his principal reason being that " in some of their [the Tahitian] tradi- tions Hawaii is mentioned as the ancient name of Opoa and Oro, who is by some described as both god and man, as having two bodies or forms, or being a kind of connecting link between gods and men, is described as the first king of Hawaii or Opoa in Raiatea." The Tahitian v is frequently sounded like w, and Mr. Ellis here evidently chooses the latter element in order to show more clearly the resem- blance or rather identity of the name with the Hawaii of the Sand- wich Islands. He was not, at that time, aware of the existence of a Savaii in the west ; had he been so, we may conclude that the reason 31 122 ETHNOGRAPHY. which led him to derive the Society Islanders from the northern group, would have induced him to refer both the Hawaiis to that source. Cook, in the history of his first voyage (vol. iii., p. 69), comparing the New Zealanders with the South Sea (i. e. Society) islanders, observes that " they have both a tradition that their ancestors, at a very remote period of time, came from another country; and, accord- ing to the tradition of both, the name of that country is Heawije." There is no j in either the New Zealand or Tahitian language. It may be a mistake, made in printing or copying, for g, the hard sound of which is frequently given by the Polynesians to their k ; in this case Hearvige would be the English orthography for the New Zealand word Hawaiki.* But the most important testimony is that furnished by a chart drawn by Tupaia (or Tupaya], the native who accompanied Captain Cook in his first voyage, — and published by J. R. Forster, in his " Ob- servations made during a Voyage round the World." It contains the names of all the islands known to Tupaia, either from having visited them, or by tradition. The extent of information displayed in it is surprising. We find every important group of Polynesia, except the Sandwich Islands and New Zealand, laid down, though not accu- rately, yet with a certain attention to bearings and distances, which enables us to identify them. What gives its chief value to the chart, is the fact that, at the time it was drawn, more than half the islands which it contains were unknown to Europeans, and of those which had been discovered the native names of very few were ascer- tained. Much confusion has been made in the chart by a mistake of those for whom Tupaia drew it. Knowing that toerau in Tahitian signified the north (or northwest) wind, and toa the south, they con- cluded naturally that apatoerau and apatoa were names applied to the corresponding points of the compass; whereas apatoerau signifies, in fact, the point towards which the north wind blows, — i. e. the south, and apatoa, for the same reason, the north. By not understanding this, they have, so far as these two points are concerned, reversed the * The h, at the beginning of a word, in the dialects of New Zealand and Tahiti, when it takes the place of the Samoan s, has a peculiar hissing sound, which some have repre- sented by sh, others by eh, others by he, or /*', or simply e. Thus the word Jwngi, from the Samoan songi, meaning to salute by pressing noses, has been spelled by different writers, shongi, ehongi, heongi, Kongi, and eongi. This is evidently the origin of the He in the word Heawije. li f "5 * 1 I £ i \ If I* I ^ * ' "" ^-^, ~ Mrridian ef J.W B' front tiiffttrnd* - *?C»' £ < "^5 £ CTOO;: * 5 Hi is - - .= = n 3 ? -- - • E « 7 B I I ™ rt s II 1 ¥ (. v M I p ^ ! OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 123 chart completely, and it is, in fact, printed upside down. Jktf not' content with this, it is apparent that these gentlemen (Captain Gook, Mr. Banks, and Lieutenant Pickersgill, whom Forster mentioned as having obtained the chart) overlooked Tupaia while he was drawing, and suggested corrections, which his idea of their superior knowledge j induced him to receive against his own convictions. This is clear, from the fact that all the groups and islands with which the English j were not acquainted are laid down rightly, according to thei real meaning of apatoerau and apatoa, but wrong according to the mean- i ing which those gentlemen ascribed to the words ; while the islands whose position they knew (the Marquesas and Paumotus) are placed exactly as they should be, according to this mistaken meaning, but altogether out of the proper bearings when these are rightly under- stood. This, of course, makes great confusion, which can only be ! rectified when its origin is perceived.* * A copy of this chart is given on the opposite page, reduced to half the original size. The only alteration made in it is the omission of the English names assigned by Forster to some of the islands, which are generally erroneous. Thus he supposes 0-anna (ana), properly Chain Island, to be the Prince of Wales' Island, while Rairoa, to which the latter name really belongs, is set down for Carlshoff ; Hitte-potto, one of the Hili or Feejee Group, is marked Savage Island, &c. It will be seen that while the north and south points have been reversed, the east and west are correctly given. OpatooeMM is ' for o apatoerau, meaning south, and Opatoa, for a apatoa, north. Tatahajftn. (properly tatahiatu) is " morning," and Ohe- Tontera should be o hiti o te ra, " the: rising of the sun." Tereati is for the latter part of the phrase te mairi TOM i te iri a tai, literally, "the sinking (of the sun) to the level of the sea." Tootera is for too o te ra, sunset. Tera Eawattea (te ra e avatea) means, "the sun is at noon." 'Of the seventy-nine names given on the chart, forty-nine (supposing those in which the term itittc occurs to belong to the Feejee Group) can be identified. As to the remainder, the uncertainty probably proceeds, in most cases, from mistakes on the part either of Tupaia (who > gave the names and localities merely from tradition) or of those to whom he communicated the information, or, finally, of Forster himself, who made out the chart from two copie?, dif- fering from one another in some respects, and selected the names from four separate lists. Of these he remarks, — " some of the names were strangely spelt, as there never were two persons, in the last and former voyages, who spelt the same name in the same manner." One consequence of this discrepancy in the original charts and lists has been that, in making his selections, Forster has, in some cases, given the same island twice. Thus we have Raihavai and Reevavai, both for Raivavai; Rimatarra and Rimatema both for Rimaiara ; Adeeha and Woureeo, both probably for At in (Woureeo for 0-Atiu, the r and t having been confounded in copying, as we see in Whateva for Faarava, one of the Paumotus). Notwithstanding these errors of a kind unavoidable in such a per- formance, the chart is a most valuable one, as proving, beyond a doubt, the extensive knowledge possessed by the Tahitians of the other Polynesian groups. 124 ETHNOGRAPHY. The westernmost group on this chart consists of eight islands, with compound names, all beginning or ending with hitte, — as Hitte-potto, Te-amaroo-hitte, &c. Hiti is the form which the Samoan word Fiti (Feejee) would take in Tahitian. One of these islands, Ohiteroa, answering to Viti-levu, has been removed from its proper place, as will be shown hereafter, by the same sort of " correction" as was applied to the Marquesas and Paumotu Groups. To the east of this row of islets is another, still larger, with the names Weeha, Rotooma, Heavai, Ooporroo, Wourvou, Tootooerre, and Ouwhea. These are evidently Uea (Wallis's Island), Rotuma, Savaii, Upolu, Tutuila, and Uiha (one of the Habai cluster). The first and last, from the similarity of names, seem to have become confused together, and Vavau is laid down out of its place, — but there is reason to believe that it was formerly considered as belonging politically to the Navigator Group, to which it approaches nearest of any of the Friendly Islands. It should be observed that on many of the principal islands Tupaia made brief descriptive observations, which are given by Forster. Heavai is laid down five or six times the size of any other island, and Tupaia stated that it was larger than Tahiti, — adding this remarkable observation, — " it is the father of all the islands." Combining these various traditions, we shall probably be thought justified in supposing that the first settlers of the Society Islands came originally from the Samoan Group, and landed or established themselves first at the place now called Opoa, on Raiatea, which they named Havaii, after the principal island of their native country. ' Oro (or more properly Koro) may have been their chief at the time of the migration. Concerning the probable period at which this occurred, we shall offer some considerations in another place. Additional evidence that the earliest Tahitian traditions are of Samoan origin may be derived from the work of Mr. Moerenhout (formerly American consul at Tahiti), entitled, " Voyages aux Iks du Grand Ocean," in which we find an ancient mythological ode, — obtained from an old Tahitian priest, — which the author justly esteems of much importance. Its value is perhaps even greater than he supposed. It relates the creation of the world and of the inferior deities, as accomplished by Taaroa. The first part informs us that Taaroa existed from the beginning, and that he formed the world from his own substance. It concludes as follows : OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 125 MR. M.'s ORTHOGRAPHY. NATIVE ORTHOGRAPHY. TRANSLATION. Taaroa te paari Taaroa tc paari Taaroa the wise fanau fenoua lioa'ti ; fanau fenua Hawaii ; produced the land Hawaii ; koa'ii noui raa, Hawaii nui raa, Hawaii great and sacred, ei paa no Taaroa, ei pan no Taaroa, as a shell (body) for Taaroa, te oriori ra fenoua. tei oriori ra fenua. who created (or vivified) the world. That, by hoa'ii, Mr. Moerenhout means to spell (in the French orthography) Hawaii, is evident from the fact that on page 558, of this volume, he requotes the passage which we have given above, and spells this word ohaii, and on page 221, of the second volume, he remarks that Ohaii is the name of the largest of the Sandwich Islands (Hawaii}. Mr. Moerenhout renders ohaii by universe, and it is likely enough that this may be the meaning now attached to it by the Tahitian priests. The second part of the ode continues the work of creation, and ends with the line "epau fenoua no hoati" (or, e pan fenua no Hawaii), — finished is the land of Hawaii. The third part relates the origin of the gods who were born of Taaroa and his wives, after the creation of ohaii, and ends with " tei moua iri te atoua Roo aravi na e eroto epou fanau ouporou," which should, perhaps, be utei mua iri te atua Roo a rave na ei rotopu fanau Uporu" — the god Roo remained in front, and seeing that which was within, produced Uporu. This version is obscure and may not be altogether correct; but fanau ouporou, like fanau finoua hoa'ii, can hardly be mistaken. Upolu is the second of the Samoan Islands, nearly equal in size and importance to Savaii. There can be little doubt that this is an ancient Polynesian rnythos, relating to the supposed origin of the Navigator Islands, and that it was brought from thence by the first emigrants to Tahiti, where it has probably undergone only such alterations as the gradual change in the language rendered necessary. NUKUHIVA, OR THE MARQUESAS ISLANDS. That which first strikes us in this group, is the number of dia- lectical differences in the language as spoken at the various islands, and even between different districts of the same island. Mr. Alex- ander says,* " On the island of Nukuhiva, the inhabitants of the Teii and Taipi districts may be as readily distinguished as a Scotchman and a Yankee, while a Tahuatan may be distinguished from them * Hawaiian Spectator, for January, 1838, p. 17. 32 126 ETHNOGRAPHY. both. The Taipi, like the inhabitants of the Hervey and Friendly Islands, uses the deep guttural ng (r?) for which the Teii uses k, and the Tahuatan, like the Hawaiian, uses n. To illustrate this a few examples will suffice : — TEII. TAIPI. TAIIUATA. Iiakiuka, . . . haiunga, . , . hakiuna, . . . cattle. haka, .... hanga, .... hana, .... work. mataki, . . . matangi, . . . matani, .... wind. moeka, .... moenga, . . . moena, .... a mat." By a short vocabulary of the language of Fatuhiva, obtained from a native at Tahiti, it appears that the f is in use in that island, and probably in the rest of the southern cluster, instead of the h which prevails in the northern,* as — FATUHIVA. NUKUHIVA. fafa, haha, mouth. fetu, hetu, ..'... star. fitu, hitu, seven. fou, hou, new. There is also a wide difference in the mode of enumeration at the two clusters, both in the words used and the value affixed to them, for which see the Grammar, § 31. There is no other group of Polynesia in which variations to this extent prevail, and it is impossible to account for them satisfactorily merely from the division of the people into numerous tribes. This cause should operate much more strongly in New Zealand than at the Marquesas Islands, yet the same language and pronunciation prevail, as we were assured by the missionaries, with some trifling exceptions, from Cook's Strait to the North Cape. The most natural solution is that the two clusters in the Marquesan Group, received their population originally from different sources, and that the de- scendants of the first colonists, intermingling in various proportions, have formed several tribes, which, though bearing a general resem- blance to one another, do not constitute a homogeneous whole, as in the other groups of Polynesia. The different counties of England and provinces of France are examples of the same effect produced by a similar cause. It has been found, moreover, that much of the social polity and many of the customs which prevail in the southern cluster of the Marquesas, are unlike those of the northern. * This observation has been since confirmed from Mr. Crook's MS. grammar. OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 127 The traditions of the natives confirm the opinion here expressed. Mr. Stewart, in his interesting " Visit to the South Seas," (vol. i. p. 273,) gives us the belief of the Marquesans concerning the origin of their islands. As this account is derived from Mr. Crook, it belongs in all probability, to the people of the southern cluster. They believe " that the land composing their islands was once located in Havaiki, or the regions below, — the place of departed spirits, — and that they rose from thence through the efforts of a god beneath them."* On the other hand, Captain Porter, in his Voyage to the Pacific, (vol. ii. p. 20), informs us that the natives of Nukuhiva have the tradition that " the first settlers came from Vavao, an island under- neath Nukuhiva." The language, so far as our materials enable us to judge, shows traces of a double origin, such as might be inferred from this tradi- tion. The great mass of it is Tahitian, as may be seen in the Comparative Vocabulary. There are, however, several peculiarities in which it differs from this, and approaches that of the Friendly Group to which Vavau belongs. One of the most striking is the omission of the r (or rather I) which is universal in the Marquesan, and frequent in the Tongan, and which is unknown in the other dialects, as — MARQUESAN. TONGAN. POLYNESIAN. aa, . . aa, . . ala, . . to awake. oijo or oko, . . OIJO, . . . . logo, . . to hear. maama, . maama, . . maluma, . . light. aiki, . . eiki, . . aliki, , . chief. akau, kaau, . akau, . . lakau, . . tree. eya, . . . . epa, . . . leija, . . turmeric. There are also several words in the Nukuhivan which seem to be of Tongan origin, as — MARdUESAN. TONGAN. TAHITIAN. ohana, . . . oliana, . . . tane, .... husband. ofa, .... ofa, .... aroha, . . . love. tanoa, . . . tanoa, . . . umete, . . . kava-bowl. hiapo, . . . hiabo, . . . ahu, .... native cloth. tuhuna, . . . tufuya, . . . tahua, . . . artisan. onohuu, . . . otjofulu, . . . ahuru, . . . ten. tikau, (Nuk.) . tekau, . . . takau, . . . twenty. * In Mr. Crook's Marquesan Dictionary we find the following definition : " Havaiki or Havdii, the regions below, the invisible world ; topa havaii, to plunge into eternity ; ua mate Jiavaii, he is absolutely dead," &c. The omission of the k in these expressions shows that they are to be referred to the southern or Tahuatan cluster. 128 ETHNOGRAPHY. The natives of the Friendly Islands, as we have before remarked, have several peculiar customs, which they have derived, apparently, from their Feejeean neighbors. Some of the most remarkable of these are found also at Nukuhiva. Thus the Feejeeans, who take great pains in dressing their hair in a frizzled mass resembling a huge bushy wig, are accustomed, in order to preserve this from injury, to wear a kind of turban, or head-wrapper, of very fine white paper- cloth. The Tonga people, who have no such reason for the custom, have yet adopted it merely for ornament, and we find it also among the Marquesans. The description which Porter gives of the turbans worn by the latter, might stand, word for word, (except only the name,) for a description of the same article at the Feejee Group. Again, the Feejeeans set a singular value upon the teeth of the whale, which are used by them for ornaments, and also as a kind of circu- lating medium. In the Friendly Islands they are equally prized, but only as ornaments, — and the same is the case at the Marquesas. The statement of Captain Porter, that a ship might be stocked with pro- visions at this group for a few of these teeth is equally true, at this day, of the Feejee Islands. Nothing like this has ever been known at either Tahiti or Samoa. On the whole, it seems probable that the northern portion of the Marquesan Group was first settled by emigrants from Vavau, and the southern by others from Tahiti, and that their descendants have since gradually intermingled. The Tahitians may have been the most numerous, and perhaps received additions from time to time, from their parent country, which is only seven hundred miles distant, — which would account for their language having become, in a great measure, predominant. It is to these, also, that the tradition with regard to Havaiki is probably to be referred. The story of the Nukuhivans, as Commodore Porter received it from the chief Gattanewa (Keatanui), was to the effect that Oataia, with his wife Ananoona, came from Vavau eighty-eight generations back, (reckoned in the family of Gattanewa himself,) and brought with them bread-fruit and sugar-cane, and a great variety of other plants. They had forty children, who were all named after the plants which they had brought with them, with the exception of the first son, who was called Po, or night.* They settled in the valley of Tieuhoy * There is, perhaps, a mistake here. Those divinities, in other groups, of whose origin the natives can give no account, are spoken of by them as hanau-po, — " born of night." Hanau has both an active and a passive meaning, and is used for " to bring OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. ]29 (Taiohae), but soon becoming very populous, they went off to the other parts of the island. Captain Porter, by an oversight unusual with him, is led to give only fifteen or sixteen years to a generation. He says (p. 49, note), "it must be observed that a man is here a grandfather at the age of fifty, and sometimes much less, arid hence three generations exist within that period." Now it is not uncommon for men in any country to be grandfathers at fifty, but this makes only two generations of twenty-five years each. Moreover, in such a com- putation, we are not to consider only the age at which the first children are bom, but that of the whole number. On this point some observations will be offered in treating of the Sandwich Islands. Allowing, for the present, the ordinary estimate of thirty years to a generation, it will give us two thousand six hundred and forty years since the arrival of Oataia from Vavau. It seems probable, however, that the first part of the royal genea- logical list of Nukuhiva will be found, like that of Hawaii, to be merely mythological ; in which case, the foregoing computation will require a corresponding correction, and the time elapsed since the settlement of the island will be considerably diminished. HAWAII, OR THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. No one who has carefully compared the languages and customs of the two groups, has ever doubted that the natives of the Sandwich Islands were derived, either directly or indirectly, from the Society Group. The traditions of the natives seem, at first sight, to confirm this belief, for they generally state that the original settlers were from Tahiti (mat tahiti). We find, however, on further inquiry, that tahiti, in this language, means foreign, abroad. In the Hawaiian Vocabu- lary of Mr. Andrews, it is rendered "a foreign country;" and it is uncertain if the natives had, when they were first visited by whites, any knowledge of a particular island called by this name; while Nukuhiva and Fatuhiva, two of the Marquesas Islands, are mentioned in their traditionary songs, as among the places visited by voyagers from Hawaii in former days.* Nevertheless, the word Tahiti may, as Mr. Ellis suggests, have been originally used with reference to this island. We shall have occasion to remark, in the terms Avaiki forth," as well as " to be born." Captain Porter, hearing the phrase hanau-po applied to Oataia and his consort would naturally translate the word in its active sense. * See EHis's Tour round Hawaii, pp. 287, and 313. ] ;JO ETHNOGRAPHY. and Tonga, similar instances of the changes in meaning, from a limited and relative, to a general and absolute sense, which proper names undergo at the second remove. In this manner, it seems pro- bable that the meaning given in Hawaiian to the word Tahiti, may have arisen. The Marquesans have been shown to be derived, in part, at least, from the island of that name, and they have always retained a knowledge of its existence. If, before they had been very long settled in the Marquesan Group, they sent forth a colony to the Sandwich Islands, the members of this colony would, at starting, have the knowledge or tradition of no less than three different places which they might term the mother-country, namely, Savaii (or Havaiki), Tahiti, and Nukuhiva. We may suppose that, in process of time, the first and most distant was wholly forgotten ; the second, only retained as a general name for foreign country, and the third, remembered more distinctly, though not perhaps as the source from whence they were derived. That when the first settlers reached the Sandwich Islands, they retained a knowledge of the original seat of their race in the Navi- gator Group, seems almost certain, from the fact that they gave to the largest island of their new country the name of the largest of the Samoan Islands, to which it bears, in shape and general appearance, a striking resemblance. Moreover, to the north point of this island they gave the name of Upolu, the second island of the Samoan Group, and a small rocky islet near Niihau was called Lehua, being that form which Lefuka, the name of one of the islands in the Friendly Group, would take in the Hawaiian language. These names may serve as a clue to the manner in which the migration to this group took place. It is, prima facie, evident, that this could hardly have been by a canoe driven off to the northward, as it was crossing from one of the Marquesas Islands to another. The distance is nearly two thousand miles, and a canoe would not accomplish it in less than twenty days, with a constantly fair wind ; but a southerly wind, for that length of time, is, in that region, some- thing unexampled. On this supposition, moreover, they would, of course, be without provisions sufficient for such a voyage; and, in that case, it is inconceivable that dogs and pigs should have been kept alive till their arrival. Yet their traditions distinctly state that these animals have been on the islands since they were first inhabited. This is confirmed by the fact that they are of that peculiar breed proper to the South Sea Islands. But if we suppose that a party of OCEAN 1C MIGRATIONS. 131 Marquesans, mostly of Tahitian descent, with some few of Vavauan origin, had set out in one or more large canoes, well provided with necessaries for a long voyage, to revisit the countries of their ances- tors,— the Navigator and Friendly Groups, — we see at once how the involuntary emigration might have taken place. Proceeding with the regular southeast trades, till they had arrived nearly at their destination, they were struck (we may suppose) by a northwesterly gale, such as has been before described. To prevent being driven directly back, the natural proceeding would be to haul up as close to the wind as possible, which would give them a course nearly north- by-west. If the gale continued several days, with cloudy weather, they would lose their reckoning entirely, arid would then, in accord- ance with the usual custom of the islanders, proceed onward in the same direction, till they reached the land.* And if, as we have supposed, they were then in search of the island and group of Savaii, it was natural enough that they should give to their new home, which resembled it in many respects, the same name. Respecting the time when this migration took place we can form at least a plausible conjecture. The Hawaiians have a genealogy of their kings from the first Tahitian colonists down to the reigning sovereign. It comprises sixty-seven generations, whose names are given in full, in the Moo-olelo, a native history, before referred to. It might be doubted whether the natives could remember with accuracy so far back; but this doubt would cease on hearing one of them recite the genealogy in question. As given in the History, it stands as follows (beginning with the second king, the son of Watea and Hoohotuta- lani] : HUSBAND. WIFE. CHILD. O Haloa, Hinamanouluae, O Waia. O Waia, Huhune, O Hinanalo. 0 Hinanalo, ffaunuu, O Nanatehili, &c. But in the native recitation, as we have heard it, the words tane, * One reason of the great distance to which these chance-voyages of the natives extend, is found in the vague assurance which they have, that the ocean is covered with islands in every direction. Accordingly, when they are driven out to sea, and have lost the bearing of their own island, they do not cease their efforts in despair, or continue to beat up and down without an object, — but, selecting some course, they set their sail and steer boldly onward, husbanding their provisions as long as possible, in the hope of at length striking upon some unknown land. Mr. Williams gives several instances of long voyages made in this way by canoes running before the trade-wind. 132 ETHNOGRAPHY. husband, rvahine, wife, and tamaiti, child, are introduced after each name in the respective columns; thus — O Haloa te tane, O Hinamanouluae ta icahine, O Wai.a te tamaiti. O Waia te tane, O Huhune to, wahine, O Hinanalo te lamaiti, &c. This, it will be seen, makes of it a species of verse, with, in fact, a greater approach to rhythm than most of the native poerns. Accord- ingly, the recitation is made in a kind of chant, to a regular tune, and any person who can retain in his memory a song of a hundred lines can have no difficulty in remembering this genealogy. There is no reason why it should not have been known to hundreds, — in fact to the whole priesthood of Hawaii, — and any lapse of memory in one would be corrected by the rest. The same observations will apply to the genealogies preserved in the other groups of Polynesia. It is to be observed that this is not, properly speaking, a list of kings, but merely of generations. In those cases, which frequently happened, where two or more brothers succeeded one another on the throne, their names are given in the column of children. Thus Liloa, the eleventh in a direct line before Tamehameha, had two sons, Hatau and Umi, of whom the first succeeded him, but was deposed for his tyranny, and the kingdom transferred to Umi. Both these names, with those of their respective mothers, are given in the genealogy, but the former only among the children. For the same reason Tirvalao and Talaniopuu, who immediately preceded Tamehameha, are not given, because the line of descent is not traced through them, but through the younger brother of the latter, Teoua ;* and his name is therefore in the list, though he did not actually reign. These ex- planations are necessary, because the number of years to be allowed to a generation will be at least double that which we should assign to a reign. Among a people like the Hawaiians, constantly engaged in wars, in which the chiefs are expected to take an active part, the ave- rage duration of a reign can hardly be estimated at more than fifteen years, — while there is no reason for assigning to a generation a shorter period than that at which it is commonly rated, — about thirty years. The people do, indeed, marry younger than in more northern regions; but this consideration is counterbalanced by the fact, which appears from the genealogical table, that, in many instances, the pedigree has * This is a name which is given here in place of the unwieldy appellation of Tcdani- tupuapaitalaninui, which appears in the genealogy. OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 133 been reckoned, not through the eldest, but through a younger son. Allowing, therefore, thirty years to a generation, and supposing the list to be a correct one, we should have, for the time which has elapsed since the settlement of the Sandwich Islands, about two thou- sand years (67 x 30 = 2010). But though there is no doubt of the ability of the natives to pre- serve a genealogy of this length, several circumstances incline us to question its entire correctness, and to doubt whether the first twenty- three names be not entirely supposititious. In the first place, the name of the king at the head of the list is O Watea, which is precisely the same in pronunciation with the Oataia of the Marquesans (ante, p. 128), the orthography only being different. The name of his wife is Papa, of whom it is said "she was the mother of these islands." This is the same name, and the same tradition that the Tahitians apply to the wife of their great deity, Taaroa. It is further related by the Hawaiians that Watea and Papa had a deformed child, whom they buried, and from it sprung the faro-plant; the stalk of this plant was called haloa, and this name was given to their son and heir who suc- ceeded them. This fable is evidently derived from the Nukuhivan story that the children of Oataia were named after the various plants which he had brought with him from Vavau. Thus we have, in the commencement of the Hawaiian history, a singular mixture of Mar- quesan and Tahitian traditions. The twenty-second king was Atalana, being the name of the god who supports the island of Savaii (ante, p. 23). He had four children, all of whom were named Maui, with some epithet appropriated, in other groups, to a deity. The youngest, Maui-atalana succeeded him, and to him are attributed the same deeds that the Tahitians relate of their great deity Maui, — another name or manifestation of Taaroa. He was succeeded by Nanamaoa, from whom the real history of the islands seems to commence. The probability is that the Sandwich Islands were first peopled by emigrants from the Marquesas, of the mixed race which is there found. When, after a time, the inhabitants had become numerous, and some family was raised to the supreme power, it became an object to trace the pedigree of the sovereign as far back as possible. After ascending as far as their recollections would carry them, — per- haps to one of the first settlers, — till they reached an ancestor whose paternity was unknown, they made him, according to the usual fashion in such cases, the son of a god, Maui. This god was repre- sented as the son of another deity, Atalana, and not satisfied with this, 34 134 ETHNOGRAPHY. they added on as many names as they could recollect of the genealogy of the Marquesan kings, mixed with Tahitian deities and personified qualities. Thus the first name is, as above stated, the Nukuhivan Watea ; the fourth is Hinanalo, a word which means desire in all the dialects except the Hawaiian; the tenth is Manatu, which means memory in the Samoan and Tongari languages ; the eleventh is Tahito, or ancient ; the twelfth and thirteenth are Luanuu and Tii, two of the principal deities of Tahiti, belonging to the class which they term hanau-po, " born of night." Moreover, the wives of the first five kings are said not to have been different persons, " but only different names of Papa, as her soul inhabited sundry bodies by transmigration," which sufficiently shows that this part of the gene- alogy was looked upon as merely mythological. If this opinion be thought correct, it will be necessary to deduct twenty-two generations from the list (one of the twenty-three kings having been the brother of the preceding,) which will leave for the whole number forty-five. Multiplying this by thirty, we have thir- teen hundred and fifty years from the commencement of the Hawaiian records (and perhaps from the settlement of the country, though that is uncertain), to the accession of Tamehameha, — or, reckoning to the present date, about fourteen centuries. With the aid derived from Mr. Crook's manuscripts we are enabled to determine what evidence is afforded by the language of the two groups that the Hawaiians are of Marquesan origin. The most striking similarity is that of the numerals, which will be elsewhere displayed. In its alphabet, the Tahuatan idiom agrees in most points with the Hawaiian, and especially in using the n instead of the regular Polynesian y (or ng), which the Tahitian omits altogether. Thus we have — POLYNESIAN. TAHITIAN. TAHUATAN. HAWAIIAN. to salute. lips, beak of a bird. mountain. name. coral. cheek. net. In the original draft of his grammar, Mr. Crook gave two forms of the indefinite and definite articles, a and ta, e and te. The first two are used before nouns commencing with a consonant, or the vowels soyi, . . yutu, . . . hoi, . . . Mu, . . . honi, . . . nutu, . . . honi, . . nutu, . mauria, . . moua, . . mauna, . . mauna, ir>oa, . . ioa, . . . inoa, . . inoa, . puya, . papaliga, kupeya, . . pita, . . . paparia, 'upea, . puna, . . . papaina, . 'upena, . . puna, . . papalina, 'upena; OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 135 e and i, — and the last two before the vowels a, o, and n, as a hoe, a paddle, a ima, a hand ; e atu, a boriito (fish), e upoko, a head ; and in the same manner, ta hoe, the paddle, te atu, the bonito, &c. Thirty years later (in 1829), on a second visit to Nukuhiva, he corrected this draft in many particulars, and among others, changed the a and ta, in all cases, to e and te, as in the Tahitian. It is, however, not un- likely that the first orthography was correct for the southern cluster of the Marquesas, and if so, we have the origin of the two articles in Hawaiian, ta and te, — the former being the most common, and the latter used chiefly before nouns beginning with t, a, and o. The Tahitian uses for demonstrative pronouns taua-nei, and taua- ra, as taua vda nei, this canoe ; taua taata ra, that man. The Hawaiian omits the ta, and has simply ua-nei and ua-la, as ua rvda nei, ua tanata la. The Nukuhivan has, according to Mr. Crook, hua- nei and hua-na ; as, hua vda nei, hua anata na. But it seems probable that the h here is superfluous. Mr. Crook spells the name of the island Uahuka, " Huahuga ;" ohikape, the name of a fish, he spells " hui-koppe." However this may be, the similarity between this and the Hawaiian form is evident. The Marquesan and Hawaiian are the only dialects whicVi use the preposition ma before the locative adverbs, as — before. behind. above. by the sea, sea- ward. As a plural sign, to denote a company or party, the Tahitian has pue ; the Nukuhivan (or Tahuatan) changes it to poe, like the Ha- waiian. The first, to express " the party of artisans," would have " te pue tahua;" the second ta poe tuhuna ; and the third, tapoe tahuna. The prohibitive sign is, in Tahitian, eiaJta (formerly aua], as eiaha oe e amu, eat thou not. The Tahuatan uses, instead of this, moi, fol- lowed by the conjunction ia, that; as, moi ia kai oe, beware that thou eat not. The Hawaiian abbreviates this to mai, as mai ai oe, eat not thou. On the other hand, it will be seen, by referring to the Grammar, that in many respects the Nukuhivan, as might be expected, differs from the Hawaiian and resembles the Tahitian ; and in a few parti- TAHUATAN. HAWAIIAN. TAHITIAN. ma-mua, . ma-mua, . tei nma, ma-mui, . ma-muri, . . tei muri, ma-una, . ma-luna, . . tei nia, ma-tai, . . ma-tai, . . a-Ud, . 136 ETHNOGRAPHY. culars (such as the omission of the r and the use of the k], it is unlike both.* RAROTONGA, OR THE HERVEY ISLANDS. The tradition given by Mr. Williams as prevalent in Aitutaki, one of the islands of this group, has already been noticed. Being desirous of knowing whether the same account was current in Rarotonga, I questioned, on the subject, a very intelligent native of that island whom I met at Upolu, whither he had accompanied the missionaries as an assistant. He informed me that the Rarotongans, like the natives of Aitutaki, considered Avaiki to be the country beneath, from which the first man, Mumuki, ascended, to look for food ; and that Aaitipi, in the district of Arorongi, was the place where he came up. But whereabouts this lower country was, or how the ascent was accomplished, he could not explain. It has been observed, in another place, that, with all the islanders of the Pacific, who live between the tropics, the same word means leeward, westward, and below. A similar use of the words up and down, with reference to opposite points of the compass, is common to most, if not all languages. The trade- winds, at the Hervey Islands, blow usually from the southeast, and Savaii, which lies to the northwest, is therefore as nearly as possible " below" them. It is easy to see that an expression which had, at first, a meta- phorical meaning, came, in process of time, to be taken literally. But the most valuable and detailed account which wre possess of the peopling of any island in the South Seas, is that given by Mr. Williams, at page 165 of his volume. The chief incidents are as follows: Karika, a chief of an island to the westward, called Manuka, first discovered Rarotonga, and finding it uninhabited, took possession of it. Again putting to sea, he encountered Tangiia, a Tahitian chief, who was fleeing from the pursuit of an enemy. As Karika was pre- paring to attack him, Tangiia made submission, and acknowledged himself the vassal of the other. They settled the land together, the former on the north (and west) side of the island, and the latter on * For the opportunity of consulting the Marquesan Grammar and Vocabulary of Mr. Crook, I am indebted to the Rev. C. S. Stewart, of the United States Navy, to whom they were presented by the author. The permission to make this use of his manuscripts was previously accorded by Mr. Crook, whom we had the pleasure of meeting at Sydney, in New South Wales. OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 137 the east, — these being, it will be remarked, the sides facing towards their respective countries. To this day the people of the former divi- sion are called Ngati-Karika, and those of the latter Ngati or Nga- Tangiia. We have seen in New Zealand (ante, p. 32), a similar use of this prefix, ngati, to express a clan descended from a common ancestor. It is said farther, that " the superior chieftainship is still vested in the Karika family ; for although the Ngati-Karika have been beaten many times, indeed generally, by the descendants of Tangiia, yet the conquerors agree in allowing them the supremacy which they have possessed from time immemorial." In confirmation of this account, it is stated that the Tahitians have traditions respecting Tangiia, his birth-place, family, &c., and that he was a great traveller. It also appears (p. 47), that in former times, the intercourse between Raro- tonga and the Society Group was very frequent, or, as the natives express it, that the islands were joined together. Mr. Williams sup- poses that Manuka is the same as Manu'a, one of the Navigator Islands, which there seems no reason to doubt. On the chart of Tupaia, Rarotoa (the Tahitian pronunciation of Rarotongra) is laid down to the southwest of Tahiti, amid several other islands, the names of which cannot be identified, but which are probably intended for the rest of the group. Most of the South Sea Islands have two names, as loretea and Raiatea, Aimeo and Moorea, Salafaii and Savaii, and some of those given by Tupaia, being derived from tradition, may be at present out of use. Adeeha, however, which is laid down somewhat farther to the east, was probably intended for Atiu. The signification of the word Rarotonga deserves notice. Raro means below, and hence leervar d and westward; tonga means south, and from its position must be here an adjective. We may therefore render it the "southern leeward country," or the "southwestern land," which expresses very well its position relative to Tahiti. It is proper to inquire whether the language of the Rarotongans offers any evidence to confirm this duplex origin of the people. What first strikes us, in looking over the vocabulary, is the peculiarity of the alphabet. It has the k and ng (or #), the former of which is wanting in both the Samoan and Tahitian, and the latter in the Tahi- tian alone. But there is every reason to believe that the rejection of these two consonants from those languages is a matter of compara- tively late occurrence. On the other hand, the Rarotongan lacks the 35 138 ETHNOGRAPHY. the h, of which the former is found in the Samoan, and both in the Tahitian. With these exceptions, however, which affect neither the substance nor the form of the language, but only its pronuncia- tion, the Rarotongan is almost pure Tahitian. Were the k and ~Q dropped from the former, and the f and k inserted in their proper places, the languages would be so nearly alike, that a translation of any work from one into the other would probably be unnecessary. The Rarotongan has, however, a few peculiarities, in which it differs from the Tahitian ; and in these it generally agrees with the Samoan. Thus the latter uses the nominative sign 'o frequently and the former rarely ; in this respect the Rarotongan accords with the Samoan. The Samoan has two adverbs of a peculiar character, which are affixed to verbs to express facility or difficulty, as fai-yofie, easy to do, fai-yatd, hard to do. The Rarotongan has the same, as rave-yoie, easy to do ; rave-yata, hard to do. These are not in the Tahitian. There are also several words which the Rarotongan seems to have derived from the Samoan, as — SAMOAN. RAROTONGAN. TAHITIAN. fili, ..... iri, ..... maiti, .... to choose. filoi, .... iroi, ..... anoi, .... to mix. Klipi, .... ririyi, ..... ninii, .... to pour out. '0 (ii, . . . . ko ai, ..... 'o vai, .... who 1 noanoa, . . . akanonoa, . . . fetii, .... to tie. fa'alava, . . . tarava, .... da, ..... rafter. manaia, . . . manea, .... purotu, . . . handsome. maualalo, . . . moraro, .... haahaa, . . . low. With regard to some of these it will be observed that the Rarotongan differs from the Samoan not according to the usual dialectical changes, but irregularly ; and this is what frequently happens where words of one language are adopted into another from oral communication, — as we observe in the Norman French portion of our own tongue. But as the Tahitian is itself an offspring of the Samoan, it may be thought that the Rarotongan words given above are merely old and obsolete Tahitian. In that case, we should probably find them in the Hawaiian, which is, like the Rarotongan, of Tahitian derivation. As we do not, the presumption is that they are some of the words which the descendants of Tangiia have learned from those of Karika. Mr. Williams informs us (p. 169), that the present high chief, Makea, is the twenty-ninth in descent from Karika. This would OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 139 give, according to our computation (29 x 30 = 870), nearly nine hun- dred years since the settlement of the Hervey Islands. MANGAREVA, OR THE GAMBIER ISLANDS. In the manuscript vocabulary of the Mangarevan dialect, which I owe to the kindness of M. Maigret, formerly missionary to this group, is found the following definition : " Avaiki, — bas, en bas ; ko runga tenei, ko avaiki tena, — ceci est le haut, cela est le bas." From this it would appear that Avaiki, which, in the Hervey Islands, is used to signify the region beneath, has come to denote, in the Gambier Group, simply below, or that which is below. Examples of similar changes are not uncommon in the other dialects. At the Navigator Group, the wind which blows from the direction of the Tonga Islands (i. e. from the south) is called the Tonga wind. At the Hervey and So- ciety Islands, this same word (tonga and too] is used as the general term for south wind. A genealogy of the kings of Mangareva, drawn up by a native pupil of M. Maigret, with a few of the traditions respecting them, offers some points of considerable interest. The number of kings whose names are given is twenty-seven. The first was Teatumoana, a name which means " Lord of the Sea." From him, the history says, "all the inhabitants of the land are descended. He had no father, or perhaps he was a foreigner." From him the line continues unbroken till the ninth king, Anna ; he was succeeded by his son-in- law, Toronga, the name of whose father is not known. He was not, it appears, acknowledged by many of the chiefs, and a civil war ensued. One of the principal rebels, named Uma, was worsted, and, it is said, " took refuge on the sea, and fled to a foreign land." Afterwards Toronga was killed by another chief who endeavoured to obtain his body in order to eat it; but the son of the murdered king secreted his father's corpse and buried it. The names of the son and grandson of Toronga are given, but their reigns must have been very short, — perhaps merely nominal, — for one of the chief com- batants in the civil war succeeded finally in gaining the supreme power. His name was Koa, the thirteenth on the list, and from him the reigning sovereign derives his authority. His principal opponent, Tapau, fled to a foreign land, or abroad. After this follows an account of the numerous dissensions which took place in the different reigns, and the annalist remarks, " formerly they fought much ; formerly 140 ETHNOGRAPHY. they ate each other." The twenty-second king, Temangai, was de- posed, and obliged to flee abroad. The usurper Teitiou succeeded, but " his reign was short ; he was conquered suddenly." His name, it should be remarked, does not appear in the list, — which shows, with several other circumstances, that it is, in fact, a gene- alogy, and not a complete enumeration of all who have held the sove- reign power. The present king, Maputeva, is the fourteenth in a direct line from Koa, who gained the supremacy after the death of Toronga, the son-in-law of Anua, the eighth in descent from Teatu- moana. The son and grandson of Toronga may be omitted, in which case it will appear that twenty-five generations, or seven hundred and fifty years, have elapsed since the arrival of the first colonists. There- fore if we suppose, as all the circumstances indicate, that they came from Rarotonga, they must have left that island about four genera- tions, or one hundred and twenty years, after it was settled. This would account for some of the peculiarities in the dialect of Manga- reva. The only points of any importance in which it differs from the Rarotongan are, first, in the use of raga instead of aya, to form the participial noun, as te ope raga, for te ope aga, the act of finishing; and secondly, in the use of man as a plural prefix. In both of these points it resembles the Tahitian. Now if the Rarotongan emigrants who settled in Mangareva came, as is most probable, from that side of Rarotonga which faces towards the latter group, (i. e., the eastern side,) they were of the Ngati-Tangiia, or Tahitian party, and may, at that time, have preserved some peculiarities of their original tongue which were afterwards lost, in Rarotonga, on a more complete inter- mixture with the Ngati-Karika, or Samoan party. In the foregoing traditions, the existence of cannibalism, at a very early period, will be noticed, as also the custom, with conquered chiefs, of betaking themselves to the open sea to escape the ven- geance of their adversaries. It was in this manner that Temoe, or Crescent Island, a coral islet which lies about thirty miles to the southeast of the Gambier Group, was peopled between sixty and seventy years ago. A defeated party, fleeing from Mangareva, were drifted to this island, and remained there, with their descendants, till the arrival of the Catholic missionaries, who, hearing of their situation, sent for them and restored them to their original homes. This well- authenticated fact shows the manner in which most of the South Sea Islands have probably received their first inhabitants. What makes it more valuable, as an illustration, is the circumstance that the OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. course of the emigrants here was directly contrary to that of the trade-winds. True, the distance is not great; but it must be remem- bered that the voyage was made on rafts, the only means of trans- portation possessed by the Mangarevans, — bearing about the same relation, as regards safety and speed, to a canoe, as the latter does to a steam-ship. RAP A. This island, in our general summary, was included in the Austral Group, though not, perhaps, with strict propriety, as it is situated four degrees apart from the rest, and a different dialect is spoken on it. It lies fifteen degrees southeast of the Hervey Islands, from which it probably derived its population. I obtained at Tahiti, from a native of Rapa, a brief vocabulary of the language spoken there, which turns out to be, with a few verbal exceptions, pure Rarotongan, and this in its minute peculiarities. The Rarotongan, for example, uses mei for the directive particle signifying motion towards a person, where the other dialects have mat ; the Rapan has the same. The particle ka is used before verbs in the same manner by both, &,c. THE AUSTRAL ISL AN DS — RI M AT AR A, RURUTU, TUPUAI, AND RAIVAVAI. These islands lie south of the Society Group, and west of Rarc- tonga, and are nearly equidistant from both. The probability is that they were settled from both directions, and at a very late day. The evidence in favor of this view is the following. Tupuai is situated between Rurutu and Raivavai, and about eighty miles from each. Mr. Ellis (Polynesian Researches, p. 281) says: "Tupuai is stated, in the introduction to the Voyage of the Duff, to have been at that time but recently peopled by some natives of an island to the west- ward, probably Rimatara, who, when sailing to a spot they were accustomed to visit, were driven by strong and unfavorable winds on Tupuai. A few years after this, a canoe sailing from Raiatea to Tahiti, conveying a chief who was ancestor to Idia, Pomare's mother, was drifted on this island, and the chief admitted to the supreme authority." Mr. Ellis adds — " The subsequent visits of missionaries, with the residence of native teachers among the people, have fur- nished additional evidence, that the present Tupuaian population is but of modern origin, compared with that inhabiting the island of 36 142 ETHNOGRAPHY. Raivavai on the east, or Rurutu and Rimatara on the west," But that an island twelve miles in circuit, and of considerable elevation, could have remained long undiscovered in the midst of an inhabited group, is quite inconceivable. We should be compelled, for this reason only, to suppose that the other islands, also, had not been very long peopled. The evidence from their language confirms this opinion. Mr. Williams (Missionary Enterprises, p. 449) says: "The Austral islanders, including Rurutu, Raivavai, Tupuai, and Rimatara, have a [dialectical] distinction of their own, but have been taught to use the Tahitian Scriptures, which they read fluently, and understand as well as if written in their own tongue.* The peculiarity of this dialect appears in the rejection [from the Tahitian] of the f and h, without supplying any substitutes ; and trifling as this may appear, the difference of sound it occasions is amazing." Now this peculiarity is precisely what would be caused by the union of some emigrants from Rarotonga, who would not be able to pronounce those letters, with others from Tahiti. This will appear clearly from the following examples, extracted from the same author (p. 451) : — house. good. woman. man. cloth. to believe. spirit. Tahitian : fare, maita'i, vahine, taata, 'ahu, fa'aroo, varua. Rarotongan : are, nteitaki, vaine, tagata, kakau, akaropo, vaerua. Austral : are, maita'i, vaine, taata, 'au, a?aroo, varua. It will be observed that, by striking out from the Tahitian line of words all the letters which are not contained in the Rarotongan, we obtain the words of the Austral dialect. The same result will follow nearly, if we strike out from the Rarotongan the letters which are not contained in the Tahitian. There will still, however, be a slight difference in some of the words, as in those for "good," "cloth," and " spirit." The Austral dialect, it appears from this, has only six con- sonants, m, n,p, r, t, and v, a smaller number, probably, than is found in any other tongue. The guttural catch, marked by the inverted comma, should, however, be added, as constituting a distinct element. The island of Rurutu is laid down twice on Tupaia's chart, once under its proper name ( Ururutu), and in its proper place, according to the real bearings (see p. 6), and again under the mistaken name of Ohiteroa (Great Feejee), and in the mistaken position which Tupaia's English friends induced him to assign to it. The error * This even the Rarotongans could not do. See Williams, p. 103. OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 143 originated in the following manner. Tupaia accompanied Cook in his voyage from Tahiti to New Zealand, in the course of which Rurutu was discovered. As they were approaching it, Tupaia in- formed them, says Parkinson, " that it was an island called Oheite- roah, being one of the cluster of nine which bore the title of Oheite added to them." The mistake of the Tahitian geographer probably arose from being informed by his friends, who could only have com- municated with him, at that time, in his own language, that this island lay from Tahiti nearly in the direction of Apatoa, which they supposed to mean south, when it really signifies north, or northwest. As he could not doubt their assurance, he would probably take no pains to verify the fact by further inquiries, — and he might feel that any hesitation in giving the name of the island would throw some doubts upon the accuracy of the geographical knowledge on which he had prided himself. However this may be, the circumstance of the island being laid down in another place, under its own name, in company with Rimatara, Raivavai, and the Hervey Islands, shows clearly enough that he was mistaken, and that he never discovered the island to be really that which he knew by its proper appellation O Rurutu. On the whole, if we admit that Rarotonga was peopled not quite nine hundred years ago, and Tupuai only about a century before its discovery, we cannot suppose that more than two or three centuries have elapsed since the other Austral islands received their first inha- bitants. PAUMOTU, OR THE LOW ARCHIPELAGO. Pa'umotu is the Tahitian pronunciation of Paku-motu, which is the proper native appellation of the archipelago. This very term may serve as a good exemplification of the composition of the dialect. Its meaning seems to be " cloud of islands," for paku signifies, in this language (but in no other of Polynesia), a cloud, and motu signifies here, as in Tahitian, an island. Like this compound name, the whole language is constituted of two elements, — the one similar to the Tahitian, the other peculiar, and unlike any that we find else- where. The words which come under the latter description are not only numerous, but they are such as are usually original in a lan- guage, and very rarely introduced from abroad, — such as man, woman, fire, water, good, bad, and the like. They seem to form 144 ETHNOGRAPHY. a part of some primitive tongue, which has been corrupted and par- tially destroyed by an infusion of Tahitian. This intermixture must have taken place some time ago, — at least before the settlement of the Austral Islands, — for the form in which the Tahitian words exist is that which they had before the disuse of the k and ng, which has made so great an alteration in the language. Many of the Tahitian words, moreover, are perverted and disfigured as they would be in the pronunciation of foreigners (see Grammar, $ 1). The gram- matical construction, however, so far as we are able to determine it, coincides with the Tahitian; as we find in the Vitian, though the mass of words is peculiar, the grammar is chiefly Polynesian. From what source this foreign element which is here apparent was derived, cannot now be determined. A comparison of the peculiar words in the Paumotuan with the corresponding terms in various other languages of Oceanica has led to no satisfactory result. Perhaps, when the idioms of Melanesia are better known, the attempt may be renewed with more success.* Future inquirers, also, among the natives of the archipelago, may possibly obtain some clue to their origin ; for it seems certain that their migration cannot be referred to a very early period. If they inhabited the coral islands before the arrival of the Polynesian colonists at Tahiti and Nukuhiva, how did it happen that, being not only the best warriors, but the most skilful navigators of that part of the ocean, they did not at once seize upon these and the other high islands which are planted on the out- skirts of the Paumotus on every side, and which contrast so strongly, in their beauty arid fertility, with those bare and dismal abodes? Had they once been in possession of any of these larger islands, the half-starved crews of a few wandering Samoan canoes could never have succeeded in expelling them. Another evidence that their migration to their present seat is not of old date is the fact that they have not yet completed the settlement * Mr. Moerenhout, whose opportunities for acquiring a knowledge of the customs of these islanders have been peculiarly good, states (Voyages, vol. i., p. 159) that their large double canoes are made to sail with either end foremost, and that in tacking they merely shift the sail and rudder from one end to the other. In this respect they differ from the proper Polynesians, and resemble the Feejeeans and Caroline islanders. The fact is also important, as showing that their method of canoe-building was not borrowed from the Tahitians, and that their ancestors had thus a means of transportation such as would enable them to reach these islands from a great distance, without the necessity of stopping at intermediate points. OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 145 of their country. All the westernmost islands, as far east as Hau, or Bow Island, are inhabited, and before the late devastating wars of Ngana, their population was tolerably numerous. As we advance towards the east and southeast, we find islands on which there are no inhabitants; and these gradually increase in number, until at length the eight nearest to the Gambier Group are all in that condition. Searle's Island, when discovered by Wilson in 1797, was deserted, though he found some traces to show that it had been visited. Thirty years later, Beechey found there a scanty population, as did we in 1839. They could not have exceeded a hundred in number, and of course were in no condition, as yet, to send out colonists to the vacant islands south of them. The following list of Paumotuan words, with the corresponding terms in Polynesian, is given to confirm what has been said of the difference of the two languages. PAUMOTCAN. keiyi, paku, ruki,* paike, neki, paru, manania, wiru, toreu, penu, korereka, . hakoi, Icawake* , toite, takarari, piko, mayeu, mo/ioki, komo, rohaki, erire, rari, tie, . geti, ope, . POLYNESIAN. ivi, ao, pouli, . I; ill i, aft, ifca, tamahine, lelei, maitaki, last, nui, ulut upoko, iti, riki, tane, masina, malama, ua or usa, tai, moana, . moe, nli In. lakau, . . vai, matayi, . fafine, . tasi, lua, lulu. fa, . . bone, cloud, dark. dog- fire, fish, girl, good, great, head, little. man (vir). moon, rain, sea. to sleep, tongue, tree, water, wind, woman, one. two. three, four. * Some of these words have been lately introduced into the Tahitian. See the Com- parative Grammar, § 81. 37 146 ETHNOGRAPHY. PAUMOTUAN. POLYNESIAN. -geka, . . . lima, . . . five. hene, . . . ono, . . . six. hito, . . . fitu, . . . seven. hawa, . . . valu, . . . eight. nipa, . . . iva, , . . nine. horihori, . . . fulu, . . . ten. penu, . . . lau, . . . hundred. NEW ZEALAND. In our remarks on Tahiti, we have had occasion to quote the tradi- tion given by Cook as prevalent among the New Zealanders, — namely, that their ancestors came, like those of the Tahitians, from a country called Heawije. During our stay at the Bay of Islands, the opportu- nity was improved of making inquiries of the natives on this subject, and the replies obtained were more satisfactory than we had antici- pated. The old men stated, as the traditionary belief, that the first maori (natives) came from Hawaiki, a country to the east. The principal men who arrived were Rongokako, Tanetuturi, Tanepepeke, Tanetvftika, Tanerveka, Tanetervaiura, Tanenuiarangi, Kopaia, and Koruaupoko. The names of the canoes were Tahi-nui (or Tai-nui), Tearawa, Horouta, and Takitumu. The first places at which they established themselves were Karvia, on the west coast, Maketu, near the East Cape, Turanga or Poverty Bay, and Ahuriri, near the eastern entrance of Cook's Strait. The natives have also an account of the arrival of a party from the same place, Hawaiki, at a very late date, by which the kumara, or sweet potato, was first introduced into the islands. This party arrived in the time of Teraraku, the great grandfather of Pomare, the present chief of the Bay of Islands, or about a hundred years ago. The name of the chief who arrived was Pani, with his sister Hincb- kakirirangi. By one account they were in a single canoe, made of a number of pieces lashed together, which is the mode of building in the Navigator Islands. But another native, of whom we made the inquiry, said that they had several canoes, and gave the same names that we had already received for those belonging to the first emigrants. There was evidently some confusion in this, and it seemed, at first, not improbable that the latter account was the correct one, and that the first tradition was too particular and detailed to apply to the OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 147 earliest settlers in the country. Farther inquiries, however, did not support this view. It has been seen that the name of one of the leaders was Rongokako, and one of the places first settled was Tu- ranga, or Poverty Bay. On referring to our list of tribes, we found that that which occupies this bay is termed Wanau-a-Rongokata, "offspring of Rongokata." This name is probably the same as that given above. In taking down at one time, several hundred appella- tives, (the names of the tribes, their localities and their principal chiefs,) it was impossible to avoid some mistakes in spelling, espe- cially as the pronunciation of the natives frequently misleads, the Je being sounded like t, the r like d, and the final vowels slurred over. But this ancestor of one of the largest tribes in New Zealand could cer- tainly not have been a foreigner who arrived in the country only three generations back, when it was fully peopled. This circumstance, together with the fact that Cook, who visited New Zealand only forty or fifty years after the coming of the party with the kumaras, and when the memory of it was still recent, heard the same account of the origin of the New Zealanders, seems to make it certain that the tradi- tion, as first given, is substantially correct. It will be observed that the natives speak of Hawaiki as lying to the east. This may be explained by the manner in which the migra- tion probably took place. A fleet of canoes, of the large kind used in war, as is shown by the fact of their having names, set sail (we may suppose) from Savaii to Tonga, between which places a constant communication has been kept up from the earliest times. Before they reached their destination, a gale in the direction of the southeast trades struck them, and obliged them, in order not to be driven towards the Feejee Islands, to lie up to the southwest. In this way they were carried into the zone of westerly winds south of the tropics, and finally brought to New Zealand. It will be observed that this is precisely the manner in which we have been led to suppose that the first emigrants reached the Sandwich Islands, in the opposite direc- tion (ante, p. 130). The last bearing which they could have had of their native country, before they lost their reckoning entirely, must have been when they were driven off to the westward, and it is there- fore not surprising that they should consider it as lying to the east, Kotzebue informs us that Kadu, the native of Ulea, whom he found living on one of the Radack Chain, fifteen hundred miles east of Ulea, supposed himself to be to the west of that island, because he was first driven off in that direction. 148 ETHNOGRAPHY. As to the time which has elapsed since their arrival, our conclu- sions, being formed on grounds of a vague and general character, must be merely approximative. The New Zealand dialect differs quite as widely from the Samoan, as does the Tahitian, although the points of difference are not identical. Each idiom has pursued its peculiar. course in departing from the common type ; but the distance which both have attained is nearly the same. Judging from this fact alone, we might be induced to suppose that the emigrations by which New Zealand and Tahiti were peopled, took place about the same time. Now, as regards the latter island, we have seen that all the groups of eastern Polynesia (Rarotonga, Nukuhiva, Hawaii, &c.) have de- rived from it, either entirely or in great part, their population, lan- guage, customs, and mythology. We observe, moreover, that one general stamp pervades them all, in these respects, and that they differ very strikingly, in many points, from the natives of the western group (Samoa and Tonga). It seems certain, therefore, that between the time of the settlement of Tahiti by Samoan emigrants, and the sending forth of the colonies which peopled the surrounding groups, sufficient time must have elapsed for the language to have undergone considerable alteration, and for their religious belief, tabu-system, and much of their social polity to have taken a new and peculiar form. If the Rarotongans have been established nine centuries in their present abode, and the Hawaiians fourteen, it seems impossible, on any calculation of probabilities, to allow less than three thousand years to the Tahitian people. CHATHAM ISLAND. Our information concerning this island, was derived from an Eng- lish sailor, at the Bay of Islands. He said that he had lived for some time upon it, and found the natives similar to the New Zealanders, but less civilized. They had the tradition that their ancestors were from the East Cape of New Zealand, and were driven in their canoes out to sea by a northwest gale. In this condition they fell in with Chatham Island, and established themselves upon it. This took place, as near as our informant could learn, about ninety years ago. It is probable that this account is in the main correct, with the excep- tion of the time, which they could hardly have had the means of computing with much accuracy. These original inhabitants of Chat- OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 149 ham Island must not be confounded with the New Zealanders who have lately been carried thither by trading vessels, and who are now probably in possession of a great portion of the island. FAKAAFO, OR THE UNION GROUP. As the conclusions with regard to the origin of the natives of this group, and those of Vaitupu, are based upon the facts stated in my journal, it has been thought best to give them in full, as written at the time ; and as these two groups are probably the only ones in which the Polynesian race is now to be seen in its primitive state, these extracts may be otherwise interesting, more especially as showing the grade of civilization which has been attained by such small and isolated communities, under the peculiar disadvantages arising from the nature of the islands which they inhabit. " Monday, January 25, 1841. At daylight we were in sight of a low island which is laid down in this position, with the name of the Duke of York's Island. It was so called by Admiral Byron, who discovered it in the year 1765, on his way to the Ladrones. As we approached, its appearance brought to mind another of Lord Byron's discoveries, the largest Disappointment Island, to which it bore a strong resemblance. It was an oblong ring of small coral islets, linked together by reefs, and surrounding a lagoon. Most of the islands were well wooded, and one in particular was covered with a dense forest of cocoa-nut trees. From this circumstance, and from the small number of birds about the ship, we were disposed to believe that the island might prove to be inhabited, notwithstanding the contrary statement of its discoverer. We were not, therefore, sur- prised, when a column of smoke, ascending from one of the islets, gave evidence of the presence of natives. " The vessels took their stations for surveying, and we were slowly standing along the island, when three canoes put off towards the ship. The mizzen-topsail was backed, to allow them to come up with us, which they did in a style that again reminded us of the Disappoint- ment Islands ;* for they broke out into an uproarious song or cantila- * Extract from journal at the Disappointment Islands : " On throwing a small present into one of the canoes which was alongside, the giver was rewarded by a song of gratitude, which two of the natives immediately commenced. It was a monotonous but not unme- lodious chant, and reminded us of the tones of the Catholic service." Some natives on shore afterwards evinced their gratitude in the same manner. 38 150 ETHNOGRAPHY. tion, which they kept up, with some intervals of shouting and clamor, until they left the ship. " The canoes were all double, and of course had no outriggers. They were made of pieces of wood lashed together, like those of Samoa, and were ornamented with a few shells of the white ovula, commonly used for this purpose throughout the Friendly Group.* The blades of their paddles were not oval, as in Tonga and Feejee. but oblong and slender, like those of the Navigator islanders. " There were eight or ten men in each canoe, and as they drew near, their color and features proclaimed that they belonged to the Poly- nesian race. There was little in either to distinguish them from the people of Samoa and Tonga. They wore the maro, or girdle, made of braided matting, like that of the Paumotu islanders. Around their heads, covering the forehead, they had narrow strips of the same matting tied, and one, who appeared to be a personage of note, had stuck in it several of the long red feathers from the tail of the tropic bird. Many of them had shades or eye-screens of thick braid, tied on the forehead, very similar to those used by weak-sighted people among us. Their hair was cut an inch or two long all over the head. Some of them wore shells, and pieces of sponge suspended by a string to the neck, and one had a large blue bead worn in a similar manner, — showing that they had already had intercourse with foreigners. Indeed, their manners left no doubt on this point. Before they reached the ship they held up rolls of matting, making signs of a wish to barter. In one canoe, the head man unrolled his wares, arid spread them out to our view, with the dexterity of a practised auctioneer. All this time they were chanting their noisy song, without intermission. " They came alongside very readily, but no inducements could pre- vail upon them to venture on board. Our interpreter was a Samoan native, whom we shipped at Oahu; but though it was soon evident that their language was allied to his own, it was still so different that he found himself frequently at a loss.f Their refusal to come on * The term Friendly Islands was at that time used by us, as it had been by many voyagers, to designate the whole archipelago of Tonga, Samoa, Niua, Uea, &c. It has since been thought best to restrict it to the first-named group. f The chief difference is the use at Fakaafo of the k, which the Samoan dialect omits. We have frequently observed that a very slight change of dialect is sufficient to confuse, at first, a native of one of these islands ; while a foreigner, who has a general smattering of one dialect, can usually accommodate himself without difficulty to such alterations. OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. board was caused by a singular apprehension that the ship would rise and bear them to the skies, from which they averred that we had de- scended. One of them, who had an ulcerated arm, had the courage, at last, to climb up to the gangway, and offer it to be cured, but he could not be prevailed upon to advance farther. " A brisk trade was, in the mean time, carried on through the ports for various articles of their manufacture. Besides matting, they had nets, fish-hooks of bone, miniature canoes three or four feet long, wooden boxes, paddles, &c., but no articles of food. A few of them, in their eagerness to traffic, climbed up the sides of the ship. While matters were in this state, a signal-gun was fired for the schooner. For a second they appeared stupified, and then such a hubbub arose as threw all their previous clamor into the shade. Those who were clinging to the ship leaped directly into the water, and scrambled to their canoes. All then seized their paddles and started for the land with the haste of desperation. " In a few minutes the boats were in readiness to go ashore, and we pushed off towards the nearest islet. The entrance through which the canoes had disappeared into the lagoon was some distance further on ; but when we arrived at the shore, the natives were already on the beach prepared to receive us. They had recovered from their terror, and greeted us with every sign of friendship. We landed with some difficulty on a shelf of coral (such as surrounds most of these low islands) on which a slight surf was breaking. Before we reached the dry beach we were met by ten or twelve islanders, who testified by various signs their pleasure at our visit. " Their deportment evinced a singular union of confiding warmth and respectful fear. Some were shy, and retreated as we approached ; others, more bold, put their arms round our necks, and urged us to accompany them to their village. None of them, however, could remain quiet, and their agitation was evinced frequently in their peculiar mode, — by singing. Several times, while asking an islander the names of objects in his language, after telling me three or four, he would burst out into a song, which nothing could induce him to stop. This, though ludicrous enough, was very annoying. At other times they would speak for several minutes with surprising volubility, quite regardless of its effect upon us ; or they would break out into hearty laughter without the least apparent cause. Their principal object appeared to be to trade, and they were continually repeating the word kafilou, which, at first, we supposed to be the name of some 152 ETHNOGRAPHY. article that they particularly desired. But as every thing seemed to be indifferently kafilou, we at last concluded that it was a general designation for property or merchandise. " After remaining an hour on the beach, we complied with their invitation to visit their village. This was on the inner, or lagoon side of the islet. It was composed of twenty or thirty houses, about as large as those of the Sandwich islanders, of oblong shape, with eaves sloping nearly to the ground. The height of the ridge-pole was from ten to fifteen feet, arid it projected at each end about a foot beyond the walls of the house, being covered over the whole length with thatch. This thatch was of pandanus-leaves, laid on so loosely that a considerable thickness was necessary to exclude the rain. The inside of the houses was very clean, but we saw no furniture in any. It had probably been removed on our coming on shore. In one part of the town was a small open space strewed with sand and pebbles, which they called the malae. When I asked for the fale atua (house of God) they appeared to understand me, and pointed to some place at a distance. " The most curious structures in the village were three small quays or piers of coral stone, five feet wide and two or three in height, built out into the lagoon, to the distance of about ten feet. On the end of each was a small house, standing partly on piles over the water. We could not learn if they were intended for landing-places, though this purpose seemed hardly probable. On going to them, we saw the three canoes that had visited the ship lying off about pistol-shot dis- tance in the lagoon, filled with women and children. The natives had evidently adopted this as the best mode of placing their treasures beyond our reach, in case we should prove hostile. " We saw no arms among the people, nor in any of their houses, — neither were any scars visible upon their naked bodies ; so that we have some grounds for believing that this simple people are, as yet, strangers to the miseries of war. When we asked for their chief, some pointed to an old, portly man, who appeared to have the most consideration among them ; but others declared that there was none present, and that the great chief (aliki) lived on an island in a south- east direction, but whether they meant merely an islet on the other side of the lagoon, or a more distant island, we could not determine. " Our impression was that we saw the entire population of the island. Those who came off to the ship, twenty in number, were all whom we saw on shore, and it seemed likely that had there been others on OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 153 different parts of the island, they would have made their appearance before we left. They were so healthy and well-conditioned, that we must suppose them to be well supplied with the articles of food on which they subsist. These are probably nothing more than fish and cocoa-nuts ; at least, we saw no edible fruits but these last, and no fowls or hogs. Three young pigs which we had on board were left here, and the natives readily took charge of them, but did not evince that surprise which might have been expected at the sight of an unknown animal. " The name of their island was Oatafu (or perhaps, Atafu) ; that of the island where the high chief was said to reside was Fakaafo. I could not learn that they knew of any country but their own. They repeated after me the names fanua Samoa, fanua Tongatabu, fanua Viti, and asked in what direction they lay, and if we came from them. Their decided belief, however, was that we came from above, in the sky, and were divinities. This they repeated to us frequently, and we could not convince them to the contrary. Indeed it is natural to suppose that their constant singing arose merely from a desire to propitiate our favor, according to their simple mode of worship. When a number of us had collected in the malae, the two oldest men seated themselves on a mat, and taking each two short sticks, began drumming on another larger one which lay on the ground before them, at the same time chanting a song, or perhaps a hymn. Another wrapped a mat about his middle, and went through the motions of a dance, which had a resemblance to those of New Zealand. " As we were about to quit the place, a hatchet which had been brought on shore was missing, and was supposed to be stolen. As soon as this was made known, a tremendous excitement ensued. The old chief started up and made a speech, delivered with amazing volu- bility and strength of utterance, while his features worked with fearful agitation. We could guess at the purport, of his argument from what followed, for his people separated in all directions, and presently afterwards the missing article was returned. " The natives accompanied us in a body to the landing-place, and saw us safely into the boat. As they stood around, we had an oppor- tunity of observing with attention their physiognomy and proportions. They were a well-formed race, of a yellow-copper complexion, with features varying considerably in stamp, but all of the proper Po- lynesian type, particularly as seen in the Friendly Islands, with whose inhabitants they might readily be confounded. Their tattooing, 154 ETHNOGRAPHY. however, was distinct and peculiar, showing that they have been a separate tribe long enough to have altered their customs considerably in this respect. The principal mark was a sort of triangle, with the apex downwards, imprinted on each haunch. A double row of lines, with little crosses between, was drawn down obliquely upon each cheek, and others of the same kind, beginning in the small of the back, came round to the breast. This part of the body was stamped also with many triangular spots, of which the largest were about an inch long; and some of them had, besides, rude figures, representing tortoises, imprinted on the breast and sides. The arms down to the elbow were tattooed in the same manner with rows of small triangles." During the three following days we were engaged in working past the Duke of Clarence's Island, also discovered by Byron, and lying to the southeast of the preceding. No inhabitants were seen upon it, though we afterwards learned that it was well peopled. " Friday, January 29. The night was cloudy, and so dark that objects were discovered with difficulty at a little distance from the ship. About two o'clock the noise of surf was distinguished, and shortly after land was seen about a mile off. We lay to till morning, and then proceeded to examine what might be fairly called our discovery, — for, though we afterwards learned that it had been visited by a whaler, no information had been given to the public by which it could be placed on a chart. It was a coral island, larger than any of those we had seen since we left Oahu, — perhaps twelve miles in cir- cumference. Its form was that of a bow, or rather a hollow crescent, the interior being occupied by a lagoon. About half the circumference was composed of coral reef, over which the sea beat; the rest was made up of a dozen or more detached islets, varying from a mile to a few rods in length. The land appeared to be higher than is usual on these low islands, being elevated, in some parts, as much as twenty feet above the sea. Many of the islets were covered with groves of cocoa-nut trees. " We were not long in doubt as to its being inhabited. About sun- rise a fleet of eighteen canoes, carrying four or five persons each, put off from one of the islets, and paddled out to sea. Their object seemed to be fishing, and we were much surprised to observe that our presence appeared to produce no excitement among them. They pursued their occupation without taking the least notice of us. This, however, may have been merely a ruse to gain an opportunity of quietly observing us. The canoes, like those we saw at Oatafu, were made of several OCEANICMIGRATIONS. 155 pieces of wood, joined together by lashings of sinnet, and resembled in every respect those of Samoa. " As the natives showed no disposition to come near us, two boats were sent to open a communication with them. At first they were shy, and kept away, until some of our Sandwich islanders stripped off their frocks, to display their dusky skins, and hailed them in Hawaiian. They then approached, and entered into a trade, ex- changing their mats and carved boxes, which must have cost them weeks of labor, for a few fish-hooks or other trifles. When the boats pulled towards the ship, they followed, and on coming near began their song, at the same time holding up mats and paddles, and shouting ' kafilou, tamatau,' — trade, fish-hooks. They were dressed exactly like the natives of Oatafu, and resembled them in personal appearance. Their fine forms and manly looks were subjects of general admiration, and their hearty laughter, when any thing struck them as ludicrous, gave an impression of their good nature, which was, perhaps, deceptive. They were very eager for trading, but could not be induced to venture on board. " Preparations were immediately made for landing, and we pushed off in three boats towards a knoll at the southwest point of the island. Four or five of the canoes accompanied us. As we drew near, we found a surf breaking on the reef, so heavy that we hesitated to enter. By way of encouraging us, the natives got their canoes upon one of the heaviest rollers, and paddling with great energy, rode safely in to the beach. Finding that no better landing-place was to be had, we followed their example, and met with as good success. " The islet was pretty high, and covered with a grove of cocoa-nut trees, but there were no houses on it, and the natives gave us to understand that their village was towards the southern end of the island, some distance off. In answer to our inquiries, it appeared that the name of the island was Fakaafo, the same as that which the natives of Oatafu mentioned as the residence of their king. The name of the Duke of Clarence's Island, which we passed yesterday, was found to be Nukunono. The natives spoke of their own island under the title of Fanua loa, or the ' great land,' thus showing that they were not acquainted with any larger. They appeared, indeed, to know the names of Viti, Tongatabu, and Samoa, but not the direction in which they lay. The two other islands of their group were the only ones with which they had any intercourse. " Their chief, whose name was Toupe, was said to be at the village. 156 ETHNOGRAPHY. The principal person present was an old man, whom they called Taufaingd. They said that he was a priest, and was fakatapu (sacred), or fakai o debolo (like a god). This word debolo surprised us, being nearly the form of the Sandwich Island term for devil; but our inquiries could elicit nothing more from them than that ' O Debold1 was an ancient god (atua tafito}. The name of the god of the island was Tu-Tokelau, or Tui-Tokelau, and his residence was in the skies. The great deity of Polynesia was also mentioned by them, with the customary addition, ' Tangaloa i lunga i te langi,' Tangaloa above in the heavens. We were supposed to have come from the same place, and they could not be convinced that we were not deities, but men only (tangata lava}. " Notwithstanding this impression, their thievish disposition mani- fested itself very strongly. Several trifling articles were pilfered, and if any thing was dropped by accident, or suffered to be out of sight for a moment, one of the natives instantly covered it with his foot, or with the branch of a tree. " At length they began to move towards their canoes, saying that they were hungry, and must go to the town. We therefore returned to our ship, and remained on board until the following day, when we again started, at about noon, for the islet on which the town is situated. When we came near, a crowd of natives appeared on the beach awaiting our approach. We landed with some difficulty from the surf, and walked towards them. Behind a little pile of cocoa-nuts and mats were seated about twenty old men, and the rest of the crowd (above a hundred in number) stood in the rear-ground, all singing, shouting, and gesticulating, in a state of the highest excitement. As we came up, they spread mats for us, and insisted upon our sitting down, at the same time giving us to understand that the articles collected there were a present to us. Their chief, who was seated foremost, was an elderly man, with a grave and sickly look, — his legs much swollen with the elephantiasis. He was very pale, and trem- bled with fear and agitation, which could not be quieted until the captain sat down by him, and succeeded in assuring him of our peaceful intentions; and even then he continued to repeat tremulously the words ' nofo kilalo ; mataku au,' sit down ; I am afraid, — with others which we could not understand. Their evident desire was that we should take the presents and depart, for they frequently pointed to the sun, which was now past the meridian, and said 'ua po,' — it is night. When we expressed a wish to go into the town, OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 157 they opposed it, saying ' e sa,' it is sacred or prohibited. After a time, however, when they had become accustomed to our presence, we took the liberty of turning our steps in that direction, and they accompanied us. The entire islet was covered with cocoa-nut trees, under the shade of which the houses were scattered, a few yards from one another. They were very numerous, the village being quite a large one, but we had no opportunity of counting them. They were similar in construction to those of Oatafu, but larger and better built. " Near the centre of the town was a large building, which they called the malae, arid declared to be the house of their god, Tui-Tokelau. They were very unwilling that we should enter it, but yielded at last to our representations, and accompanied us in, though with evident reluctance. The house was oblong, about forty feet by thirty, and at the ridge-pole about twenty feet in height. The roof, which curved inward somewhat like that of a Chinese pagoda, descended at the eaves to within three feet of the ground, below which the house was open all around. The circumference was supported by many short stanchions, small and roughly hewn, placed a few feet apart; but the ridge-pole rested upon three enormous posts, of which the largest was about three feet in diameter. The roof was- loosely thatched with cocoa-nut leaves, not disposed with that neatness for which the Samoans are distinguished. Around the inside of the eaves, a row of mother-of-pearl shells was suspended, and a few of the posts were bound round with sinnet, which were the only attempts at ornament that we observed. In the centre of the house, about the largest post, were piled confusedly together a dozen massive benches, or large stools, two feet high, as many broad, and about three feet long; they were of clumsy make, very thick and heavy, each one being appa- rently carved from a single block. The natives called them 'seats of the god,' and we supposed that they might be for the elders of the village, when they meet in council, or for religious celebration. " At the foot of this pile of benches lay a piece of timber, which was recognised as the windlass of a vessel. It was about four feet long by one in diameter, and was much worn, as though it had been ex- posed to the action of the waves. When we asked from whence it came, they replied, from the sea; and in answer to farther inquiries, related that a few years ago (three or four), a vessel was lost in the surf, that two men got ashore, one of whom was named Fakaaukamea, (the other's name we omitted to write,) and that both have since died. On examining further it appeared that the windlass was not the only 40 158 ETHNOGRAPHY. relic of the wreck. Three cross-beams, about twenty feet long, and six inches thick, which were fastened to the centre-posts ten feet from the ground, had evidently been cut and planed by regular tools, and we found, on inquiring, that they were also from the vessel. As the names of the two survivors had both a Polynesian character, it oc- curred to us that they might possibly have been Sandwich islanders, and from them the natives may have obtained the word debolo which so much puzzled us. The Hawaiians, being Christians, would natu- rally apply the word to the native gods as a term of contempt, and the islanders, not understanding of course its precise force, might adopt it as synonymous with their word atua, deity. " Leaning against the largest post of the house were several spears or clubs, all much worn and battered, which the natives said were likewise from the sea; they have probably drifted here from Samoa or the Feejee Group. It is remarkable that they were the only arms that we saw on the island, and that the natives appeared to have no specific name for these, calling them simply lakau taua, ' wood of war.' " These were the only articles of consequence within the malae; but in front of it was an object which attracted our attention from its shape, and from the fact, which we soon learned, of its being the god himself, — the great Tui-Tokelau. Whatever may have been inside was so thickly covered that it appeared like a pillar of matting, ten feet high and as many in circumference. The natives seemed so unwilling to have us examine it closely, that we did not choose to indulge our curiosity at the expense of their feelings. " At a little distance from the malae was a well about fourteen feet deep, neatly walled up, and surrounded by a high fence. There were not more than thirty inches of water in it, and from the care which was evidently taken of the place, it is probable that the pure element is an article of much rarity and value among them. Beyond this, along the shore of the lagoon, was a row of canoe-houses, perhaps fifty in number. The canoes themselves were in the centre of the lagoon filled with women and children. All, however, had not availed themselves of this refuge, for in some of the houses were found children and a few women, some of the younger ones being remarkably pretty. The old queen, herself, was discovered hidden under a mat, and betrayed great terror on being exposed to view. " In one part of the village we found two drums, one of them being a mere trough or hollow log, like those of the Friendly Islands. The OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 159 other was a cylindrical frame set upright on the ground, with a piece of shark's skin stretched tightly over the top. Its shape reminded us of the West India tomtom, and it was beaten, like our drums, with two sticks. As soon as its sound was heard, a few of the natives commenced a dance, apparently to divert us, for they laughed heartily at the same time. The motions of the dance were similar to those we had seen at the other islands, but, like their singing, more varied and pleasing. " The natives appeared to be still anxious for our departure, and kept urging us to our boats, pointing to the sun with the words uapo (it is night), and frequently repeating fiaula, Jiaula lava, which we interpreted ' very much tired.' At the same time they continued to bring us articles for trade, which they exchanged for any trifle we chose to offer them, preferring, however, knives and fish-hooks. Many of their manufactures gave evidence of considerable ingenuity. The principal were mats, boxes, fish-hooks, files, saws, drills, and orna- ments for the person. The mats were of two kinds, for beds and for clothing; the former were three or four feet square, coarse, and braided of cocoa-nut and pandanus-leaves. The maros, or girdles, were from six to eighteen inches wide, some of them very fine in texture, with fringes on the sides and ends. Their length varied from a few feet to five or six yards. The cinctures worn by the women were a singular fabric. They consisted of a great number of long leaves (probably paudanus) tied at one end to a cord, and then slit into fine strands. The leaves were dry, and appeared to be kept well oiled, probably to render them flexible. They were so many, and so closely packed, that the dress, when rolled up, formed an enormous bundle of straw, of a weight which, one would have thought, must have rendered it exceedingly inconvenient. " The boxes were cylindrical, in the shape of small buckets, neatly hollowed from a solid piece, and of different capacities, from a gill to a half-gallon. They were used by the natives in their canoes, to hold their fishing-tackle and other light articles that they wished to pre- serve from the wet. The lids were made to fit tight with a rim, like those of our snuff-boxes. The fish-hooks were of bone, shark's teeth, and shell, many of them as small as our trout-hooks, and made with remarkable neatness. The files and saws were of shark's skin, stretched on sticks, — its roughness being sufficient to wear down the soft wood and bone to which it is applied. The construction of their drills was quite ingenious, but could hardly be understood without a 160 ETHNOGRAPHY. drawing. Their ornaments were necklaces of bone and shell, ear- rings of the same, and, what was peculiar, false curls tied on a string to be bound around the head. Perhaps this ornament owes its origin to the circumstance that these natives have thinner hair than those of other islands, and appear to be inclined to baldness. This, and the curling of their hair, may result from their being so much exposed, while fishing, to alternations of sun and rain. " The only edible fruits which the island produces are those of the cocoa-nut and the pandanus; and the fact that the hard and dis- tasteful nuts of the latter are eaten, may lead us to believe that the natives are sometimes sufferers from want of food. The rest of their sustenance is drawn from the sea, on which we may suppose that they spend a good part of their time. Their fine athletic forms and hearty looks certainly did not give an idea of famine ; and it would be an interesting subject of inquiry to discover the causes which prevent the population from increasing so as to press too closely upon the means of subsistence. "Judging from what we saw, we are inclined to rate the inhabitants at between five and six hundred. The number of men who met us on the beach was not far from one hundred and fifty, which, by fair estimate, would give the above total. This little spot of ground may therefore be considered, in proportion to its extent, very well peopled, as the whole superficies of dry land in all the islets cannot exceed two square miles. We are, moreover, inclined to believe that the natives whom we saw at the first island (Oatafu) belonged properly to this, and were merely temporary residents at the other. This impression proceeds partly from their own declaration that they had no chief with them, and partly from the circumstance that they had none but double canoes, which are best adapted for a sea- voyage. The scanti- ness of their numbers would also favor this supposition, and from it we may understand how the occasional absence of the people, on their return to Fakaafo, might have caused the island to be reported as uninhabited. " At length, after a stay of about three hours, it was determined to gratify the increasing impatience of the natives to be rid of us. We thereupon moved towards the boats, which were moored just outside the coral shelf, in the surf. As this was at times pretty heavy, we were obliged to wait for a lull, and watch our opportunity to spring on board. The natives who accompanied us were assiduous in ren- dering assistance, which was not perfectly disinterested, for they took OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 161 the opportunity of our confusion to run away with a cutlass and some other articles belonging to the men. These thefts, committed in the most barefaced and audacious style, gave evidence of what might be anticipated from them if unrestrained by fear. " In pulling off, we had an opportunity of observing the large piers or moles of coral stone, eight or ten feet high, and from twenty to thirty long, extending out into the shallow water on the reef. Almost the whole of the islet was walled up in this manner, but for what object we could not form a satisfactory opinion." VA1TUPU, OR THE DEPEYSTER ISLANDS. " March 14, 1841. A little before noon, land was announced, and by two o'clock we were close to an extensive ring of low wooded islets, situated on a coral reef surrounding a lagoon, about twenty-five miles in circuit. When we arrived within a league of the largest islet, two canoes were perceived paddling towards us. Our anticipa- tions were highly excited, for we expected here to make our first acquaintance with the peculiar race which inhabits the Caroline Islands, and which was to be the subject of our examination during the rest of this cruise. " Only one of the canoes came to the ship. It was about twenty feet long, made of a single log hollowed out, but the sides were raised by two narrow planks fastened on to the keel with lashings of sinnet. The outrigger and paddles did not differ materially from those we had seen in other islands. There were five men in the canoe, and they came alongside with a confidence which showed that they were acquainted with ships. They refused, however, to come on board, but held up cocoa-nuts, mats, rolls of sinnet, and other articles, making signs of a wish to trade. On our asking them, in Samoan, the name of their island, though with little expectation of being un- derstood, they replied immediately Funafuti. Farther questioning soon made it evident that they spoke a Polynesian dialect, and George, our Samoan native (who had become accustomed to the slight change of idiom at Fakaafo), easily conversed with them. " In person these natives were inferior to those of Samoa. They were of middle size, with skins of as deep a brown as those of the Hawaiians. The features were also more like those of the latter people than any other, but they had all a greater luxuriance of beard than we have seen elsewhere, except at the Feejee Islands. Their 41 162 ETHNOGRAPHY. hair, also, was thick, bushy, and tangled. They wore it pretty long, and one of them had it parted in five large tufts about his head. "Their clothing consisted of a strip of fine matting worn as a inaro, and a coarser piece tied about the hips. The former was braided of the pandanus-leaf. It was about ten feet long by eight inches in width, being much narrower than those worn at Fakaafo. It had, however, a thick fringe on each side, which increased its breadth, and made it more serviceable as a covering. There were also slips of pandanus-leuf, a foot long, colored red, attached to the girdle by way of ornament, and having much the appearance of ribbons. " The natives had two or three rolls of coarse sinnet, which they sold us, with a few large wooden shark-hooks. From their equipment we presumed that they had set out with the intention of fishing, before they perceived our ship. Besides these, the only articles they pos- sessed were their weapons, and the fact that they would not leave their homes unarmed gives reason to suppose that they were on bad terms with some of their fellow-islanders. They had with them only spears and knives. The former were merely poles of cocoa-nut wood sharpened at one end. The knives were also of wood, in the shape of a short sabre ; along each side was a row of small shark's-teeth, fas- tened on with thread and gum. From the appearance of the weapon, we should suppose it might be very formidable among a naked people like these ; but it is rather fitted to inflict ragged and dangerous gashes, than for destroying life. "One of the men declared himself to be a chief, and was treated as such by his companions. On being asked how many houses there were on shore, he answered immediately fifty (e lima ~gafulu}. This probably referred only to his own village, for the circumstance of their being sometimes at war makes it likely that the inhabitants do not live, like the peaceful natives of Fakaafo, united in one town. " When they had been alongside about half an hour, we left them, and stood on to meet the schooner, which had passed to the other side of the island. By nightfall we came up with her, and both vessels proceeded on their course for Depeyster's Island,* situated about fifty miles to the northwest. After being delayed three days by baffling winds, we at length reached it, on the morning of the 18th, having, * The name of Depeyster was given to this island (Nukufetau) by the discoverer. We have extended it to the whole group, of which Vaitupu, sometimes called Tracy's Island, is the principal. OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 163 at the same time another island in sight to the northeast. We steered towards the former, which, on approaching, proved to be very similar in size and character to Ellice's Cluster. When we were within two miles of the northeastern shore, some canoes put off towards us. They had sails of the usual triangular shape, set with the apex down- wards. When they were near the ship, we judged from the features and tattooing of the crews that they would prove to be of the same stock with the people of the last-visited island, — a conjecture which was soon verified by their speech, and by the information which they gave us in answer to our questions. " In color they were as dark as New Zealanders. They were mostly of the middle size, and tolerably well shaped, but we observed none of those models of manly beauty that are seen among the Samoans. Their most striking peculiarities were in the hair and skin. The former was thick and bushy ; it was worn in various fashions, some of which reminded us of the Feejeeans. One individual had it twisted in a great number of small ringlets, which hung about his head in mop-like profusion. Others had it done up in a few large locks, eight inches long, not unlike so many fox-tails. These were either worn loosely, or tied up in a bunch together, on the crown of the head ; and though the natural color of their hair was black, these locks, probably by means of some dye, had been brought to a reddish-brown hue, which heightened the resemblance above-noted. The skin was, in all, remarkably coarse and rough to the touch, but many had it disfigured in a singular fashion. In some it was covered with a scurf, as though the whole cuticle were peeling off; in others, where the process seemed farther advanced, the scurf had disappeared, and left the skin marked with circular and waving lines, like an intricate embroidery. In those individuals who were thus affected, — perhaps one-fifth of all the natives we saw — the skin was of a much lighter color than in the others, with a peculiar, livid hue. The natives called the affection lafa, the name which the Samoans apply to the circular marks which they burn in the skin. " It is difficult to understand why these natives should be so well supplied with beard, beyond what we have seen in any other tribe of the Polynesian race. Even the natives of Fakaafo, to whom they appear to be most nearly allied, are as ill-furnished, in this respect, as the Samoans. We should be tempted to suppose that some mixture of races had taken place, but for the fact that their language, so far as we had an opportunity for judging, was pure Polynesian. 164 ETHNOGRAPHY. " At one time it was announced that a white man was in a canoe coming towards the ship. On going aft, we saw him, dressed in the native style, but better covered than the rest, sitting in the stern of his canoe, and gazing quietly at the ship, with no appearance of excitement. When we called to him, he answered in the native tongue, and finally came near, and climbed up the side of the ship. We then saw that he was an albino, but that our mistake was by no means surprising. His color was a ruddy blonde, his hair of a flaxen white, his eyes light blue, and evidently very weak, since, besides being screened by a large shade, they were constantly half-closed. His skin was also quite tender, which obliged him to wear the additional mat over his shoulders, and, in spite of this precaution, it was spotted with large brown speckles. We learned that he had children who were dark, like the other natives, and that his parents were the same. " In the tattooing of the natives there was considerable variety, at least in the parts of the body to which it was applied. All had the arms tattooed more or less. The sides, from the arm-pits to the waist, were also marked. Some had lines across the back, and on the abdomen, and, in many, the loins and thighs were tattooed nearly down to the knee. The markings were either in straight lines, or in zigzag, or in curved figures about an inch or two long, which the natives told us were intended to represent pigeons (lupe). " For dress, the men wore three kinds of mats, all braided from slips of the pandanus-leaf. The first was the maro (or malo) which has been already described. The second was a girdle of thick fringe, from six inches to a foot in breadth, tied about the loins, so as partially to conceal the maro. This they called takai. The third kind were mats three or four feet wide, and five or six long, which were wrapped about the body, so as to cover it from the waist to the ancle. The mats were dyed, on the outside, in red, yellow, and black colors, disposed in sq\iares, diamonds, and other figures, so as to have a very pretty effect. They appeared to be reserved for state occasions, as the only person who wore one was the old chief, but many were brought off for sale. " Their ornaments were not very numerous. They all had the lower rim of the ear pierced, and the aperture distended to the size of an inch in diameter. Around the rim thus separated, they had half a dozen little rings of tortoise-shell, so neatly made that it was difficult to discern the point of juncture where the ring was opened when OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 165 taken from the ear. Some had mother-of-pearl and other shells suspended from the neck, and every one had a cocoa-nut leaflet also tied around the neck, which we supposed might be a sign of amity ; for in approaching the ship, they seemed anxious to keep it in view. " Among our visiters in the canoes was one woman, who refused to come on board. She was of the medium size, with a rather pretty face, and a pleasing expression of countenance. She wore a very long and thick cincture, made of slips of pandanus-leaf fastened to a cord. It might be called a girdle of fringe two feet in width ; and its appearance was that of a dense mass of straw tied about the body, covering it from the breast to the knees. The native name for this dress was fou. What chiefly surprised us was, to observe that she was tattooed, like the men, on her arms and sides. In this respect, also, these people differ from the other Polynesian tribes, among whom the women are tattooed very slightly, if at all. " Our first question to the natives was about the name of their island, which we found to be Nukufetau. They were well acquainted with Ellice's Cluster (Funafuti); indeed, one of them declared himself to be the son of a chief on that island. The island to the northeast was also known to them, and called Vaitupu.* We asked them if these were all the lands with which they were acquainted, when, to our surprise, they pointed to the east, and said that beyond Vaitupu there were three islands, Oatafu, Nuhunono, and FaJcaafo. I inquired if this was all, and they added, with some hesitation, the name of Orosenga, the smallest of the Navigators ; but they knew of no other island of this group, nor even of the general term Samoa.f They appeared to recognise the words Tongatabu and Hapai, and their acquaintance with Rotuma was shown in an accidental manner. Some bananas were hanging at the stern of the ship, which one of them begged for, calling them futi o Rotuma, bananas of Rotuma. * This name was originally spelled by us Oaitupu, which was probably a mistake for 'O (or ko) Waitupu; the v and w being interchangeable in this, as in all the other Poly- nesian dialects. We heard the name pronounced only once, and that in the midst of much noise and confusion. Dillon, who heard of this island at Rotuma, writes the name Vythoobo, and Cook gives, in the list of islands received from the natives of Tonga, one called Vytooboo, which is undoubtedly the same. The name means " growing water," and has, perhaps, reference to the wells or pits of fresh water, which are so important on these coral islets. f It did not occur to us to use the name Savaiki (for Savaii), which they would perhaps have recognised. 42 166 ETHNOGRAPHY. At Fakaafo we were told of an island existing somewhere, called Pukapuka ; — these people recognised the name at once, and assured me that it was an island well inhabited.* This was the only name mentioned by them which we were not able to identify. " We asked who was the god of the island, and where he lived. They told us that his name was Foilape, and that he resided on shore. We asked if Tui-Tokdau also lived there, and they replied immediately in the negative, saying that he was the god of Fakaafo. When the name of Tangaloa, the great divinity of Polynesia, was pronounced, they appeared to be both surprised and annoyed ; at last, one of them said that Tangaloa was a god tabu to their country, and refused to speak further about him. ''• They informed us that ten vessels had visited their island, and added that a ship of rvirvi people had lately spent some days about the island in fishing. As the term rvirvi is that applied by the New Zealanders to the French (from their word of affirmationf), we thought it probable that the case might be the same for these islands. It is known that French whaling-vessels resort chiefly to this part of the Pacific for their cargoes. " The only eatables which the natives had with them were cocoa- nuts, and the fruits of the pandanus. But they assured us that taro (Arum esculentum) grew on shore, and also a much larger root, called pulaka (probably Arum macrorhizum}. Later in the day, a root of taro was brought off to us, proving the correctness of their assertion ; otherwise we might reasonably have doubted whether a plant, which requires, above all others, a rich muddy soil and fresh water, could be produced on one of these low rocky islets. Yams and bananas they knew by name, but had none; of pigs, they said there was abundance on the island of Vaitupu, — but they had no knowledge of fowls. " As we sailed by one of the islets, a considerable town was seen on shore, situated on an open space between the trees and the * There is an island of this name in the Paumotu archipelago. It is hardly probable, however, that it can be the one referred to. j" This mode of designation, though it may appear whimsical at first, is yet that which was adopted, in former times, by the French themselves, as appears in the appellations of Langue de out and Langue cToc given to the northern and southern divisions of their country, and marking the difference of dialect between them. It is not very flattering to our national pride to know that the Americans, as well as the English, are distinguished, in some of the islands, by a name derived from their most common imprecation. OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 167 beach. As well as could be judged from a distant view, the houses were large, but of rude construction. The natives frequently pointed on shore, and urged us to accompany them to their village. As an opening was seen into the lagoon, an officer was sent in a boat to examine it. On his return, he was accompanied by an old chief, who introduced himself, in plain terms, as the god of the island. He was a large, stout man, apparently about fifty, with good, prominent features, and short hair nicely brushed and oiled. His legs were much swollen with the elephantiasis. Besides the maro and girdle, he wore a large colored mat around his waist. His body was anointed with cocoa-nut oil, and his whole appearance showed that he had come on a visit of state. He informed us that his proper name was Faikatea, but that he was also the veritable Foilape, the great deity of the island. After remaining a few minutes, and receiving some presents, he pointed to the sun, and explained that he must take his leave, in order to arrive at the island before night. He also urged us to accompany him, but finding us not disposed to accept the invitation, he put off in his canoe, and was followed, at little intervals, by the rest of the natives. Many of us were struck with the extra- ordinary likeness which this personage bore to the head chief of Fakaafo ; it was so plain, that, taken in connexion with other circum- stances, the opinion of a family relationship between the two sove- reigns seems not unreasonable. " We cannot be expected to form any very near estimate of the num- ber of inhabitants on the island. We presume it to be pretty densely peopled. The village which we passed was quite large, and houses were observed on most of the islets. Perhaps forty canoes visited the ship during the day, having about two hundred persons on board, all of whom, with one exception, were grown men ; so that we are justi- fied in assigning at least a thousand inhabitants to the island. " The resemblance, or more properly, the identity of the dialect of these natives with that of the Union islanders, leaves little room to doubt that one was derived from the other ; and the fact that the people of Fakaafo had no knowledge of these islands, while on the contrary their own group is well known to those of Vaitupu, seems to indicate that the former was the source of population to the latter. At the same time, it is not unlikely that the Union islanders them- selves may have been a colony from Orosenga, in the Samoan Group." To the foregoing, which was written immediately after leaving the 168 ETHNOGRAPHY. islands, nothing need be added here with regard to the origin of the natives. But some evidence has since been found, showing that the supposition which attributed the darker complexion and more abun- dant beard of the natives of Vaitupu to a mixture with the Melanesian tribes in their vicinity, was well-founded. Quiros, who visited the island of Taumaco in the year 1610, took from them a slave, a native of the island of Chicayana, which lies four days' sail from Taumaco, and carried him to Lima. From him, when he had learned to con- verse in Spanish, Quiros obtained much information concerning the islands in the neighborhood of Taumaco. Among others he heard of Guaytopo, an island which Pedro said was larger than Chicayana. He described it as lying two days' sail from the latter island, and three from Taumaco. The women there wore a veil of blue or black called foafoa. A large vessel from Guaytopo, with more than fifty persons in it, sailing to an island called Mecayrayla to get tortoise-shell, of which they make ear-rings, and other ornaments, was driven out of its course and carried backward and forward till all but ten died. These arrived at Taumaco. They were white, except one who was of a dark color. Likewise, in his own island of Chicayana, Pedro had seen arrive from thence a vessel of two hulls (i. e. a double canoe) full of people white and handsome.* There can be no doubt that Guaytopo is Vaitupu (or Ko Waitupu}. Besides the similarity of name, we have the fact of the men wearing ear-rings of tortoise-shell (a very unusual ornament in Polynesia), and of the women being dressed in a veil having the name of foafoa, which is, no doubt, the long fringe of pandanus-leaves called fou, which they wear at this day. The circumstance of the dark-colored man being in the canoe with the nine white (i. e. light-colored) people, shows that the natives of Vaitupu had then blacks living among them. It is very probable that they were slaves obtained in their wars with the neighboring islands, and if so, they would probably be introduced by few at a time, and might thus produce no change in the dialect of the group, while, by intermarriage with the natives, they might never- theless give rise to some peculiarities in their physical characteristics, as well as their customs. The name of Mecayrayla, the island to which they were sailing, may be a mistake in copying or printing from Quiros's manuscript. We heard the natives of Funafuti speak frequently of a place called Nuku-rairai, or Nuku-lailai, which we at * Burney's Voyages, vol. ii. p. 269. OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 169 one time took to be an islet in their cluster, and at another, in that of Nukufetau, — but it may have been a small island, which we did not see, at a little distance from both. GENERAL ILLUSTRATIONS. Besides the particular facts with respect to each group, which we have adduced in support of our opinions concerning the migrations of the natives, there are others of a more general character, which may serve to illustrate and confirm these conclusions. Those which we shall notice here are the names of the months, those of the prin- cipal winds, and the numerals. MONTHS. The following are the names of the months in the three most im- portant groups of Polynesia : SAMOAN. TAHITIAN. Fa'aafu, . . . Fa'a-ahu, . Lo ( Pipiri, ) \ Taaoa, ) Aununu, , . Aununu, Loamanu, . Apaapa, Palolo-mua, . Paroro-mua, Palolo-muli, . Paroro-muri, Mulifd, . . 4 Muriaha, > ' \ Taaoa, S Lotuaya, . . Hiaia, . . Taumafa-mua, Tema, . . Taumafa-muli, . Teeri, . . Utuva'a-mua, . Tetai, . . Utuva'a-muli, . Avarehu, HAWAIIAN. Matalii, . . Taelo, . . . Taidua, . . Nana, . . . Welo, . . . Ititi, . . . Taaona, . . Hinaia-eleele, Tamahoe-mua, TamaJwe-hope, Itua, Welehu, . . February. March. April. May. June. July. August. September. October. November. December. January. The Samoans and Hawaiians have only twelve months in their year ; the Tahitians reckon thirteen. Mr. Ellis, however, (Polyne- sian Researches, vol. i. p. 79), informs us that their calculations were not very exact, and that they omitted or added the additional month, according as the length of the year seemed to require. In general, very little attention is paid by the South Sea islanders to the division of time, and as we draw nearer to the equator, this little diminishes. Thus at Rotuma they have a year of six months, and when this is completed they begin to number over again ; while at the Kingsmill 43 170 ETHNOGRAPHY. Islands, which lie exactly under the line, the months had no name, but were merely numbered first, second, third, and so on up to ten, when they recommenced, — thus losing every distinction of seasons or years. A comparison of the foregoing lists will show that the Tahitians derived their names for the months from the Samoans, and the Ha- waiians from the Tahitians. Afu, in Samoa, means " perspiration," andfaa-afu must therefore mean "causing to perspire," a name suffi- ciently applicable to their February, which answers to our August. In the Sandwich Islands, however, whether because the meaning in that hemisphere was no longer suitable, or for some other reason, it was changed to Matalii, or the Pleiades, by whose rising the natives of Polynesia determine the commencement of their year. Between Faaahu and Aununu, Mr. Ellis gives two names, Pipiri and Taaoa, but it would appear that the latter is the intercalary month, which is inserted or omitted at pleasure. Forster, in his list, makes it answer to August, which accords with the Hawaiian Taaona, — no doubt the same word. Palolo, in Samoan, is the name of a kind of sea-worm which makes its appearance in shoals in the reefs, at a certain period of the year, and is esteemed a great delicacy by the natives. This worm is not known at the Society Islands, but the name is still retained, with no meaning whatever attached to it, — a striking evidence of the deriva- tion of the Tahitians from Samoa.* The word Muriaha in Tahitian is an alteration of Murihd, which was in use when Forster was at Tahiti ; this has been caused by the custom of te pi, for which see the Comparative Grammar, $81. In the Hawaiian we observe a number of corruptions. Welehu is evidently the same as the Tahitian Avarehu ; Tamahoe is probably from the Samoan Taumafa, and pos- * There is some obscurity with respect to the use of this term in Samoan. The two months called Palolo-mua and Palolo-muli, are June and July, but the animal does not make its appearance till October and November. In the Feejee Islands, where it is also found, the last-named months are called Mbalolo-lailai and Mbalolo-levu, or, little and great Mbalolo. It seems probable that at a former period the name Palolo was applied in Samoan to these months, and that for some unknown reason, perhaps connected with their superstitions, the term was shifted to another part of the year, and its place supplied by taumqfa, which means to eat, in the language appropriated to chiefs. This must have happened before the departure of the Tahitian colonists. For a description of the Mbalolo, and the ceremonies which take place on its appearance at the Feejee Islands, see page 67. OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. sibly Itua (or Ituwa) for Utuvaa. These changes are of a kind unusual in the Polynesian dialects, and are an evidence of what many circumstances would lead us to suspect, — that the first settlers of Hawaii were people of low rank, and imperfectly versed in those branches of knowledge which are usually left, in these islands, to the chiefs and priests. WINDS. We have already had occasion to speak of the term tonga as ap- plied in the Samoan, New Zealand,* Rarotongan, Tahitian (toa), and Hawaiian (tona}, to the south wind. It must, of course, have been derived from the first-named group, which is the only one that lies to the north of the island (Tonga) from which the wind is named. Another word which requires to be noticed is tokelau, (in Samoan, to'elau, in Rarotongan, tokerau, in Tahitian, to'erau, in Nukuhivan, tohoau, and in Hawaiian to'olau.) In Samoan and Tongan this word signifies the east or southeast trades ; in Tahitian and Rarotongan it is the northwest monsoon ; in Nukuhivan it is the north wind ; and in Hawaiian it is the name given to the north or northeast side of an island, opposite to tona, or the southwest. The secret of these changes of meaning is probably to be found in the concluding syllable lau, which is presumed to be the same with the Malaisian word laut, meaning sea. Throughout the countries occupied by this race, we find this term applied to the wind, or the point of the compass, in the direction of the open sea. Thus in Malay, laut, by itself, is used for the northwest wind,f that being the wind which, at the peninsula of Malacca, blows from the open sea, or across the Bay of Bengal. Timor in Malay, signifies east, and timor-laut, northeast, — the wind from this direction coming down the China Sea. In the island of Celebes it is curious that the Bugis, who live on the east side, have for the word east alao, and the Macassars, who inhabit the west coast, have a similar word, ilao, for the west 4 In the Philippines, balas signifies northeast wind, and balac-laot, northwest,^ — that being the wind from the North Pacific. In all these cases, the proper transla- * In Professor Lee's Vocabulary, tonga is given, by mistake, as the word for east- wind. f Rienzi, Oceanic, vol. i. p. 93. | Crawfurd's Indian Archipelago, vol. ii. p. 127. § Humboldt on the Kawi, vol. ii. p. 250. 172 ETHNOGRAPHY. tion would evidently be "sea-wind," and this is, no doubt, the true meaning of tokelau. At the Navigator and Tonga Islands, the open sea lies to the east ; at Tahiti, it is to the northwest ; at the Mar- quesas to the north, and at the Sandwich Islands, the natives had traditions of the existence of islands to the southeast, south, and south- west ; they therefore gave the name of toolau to the opposite portion of the horizon. The first part of the word, toke or toe, in most of the Polynesian dialects, signifies cold or chilling. In New Zealand liau- toke, " cold air," is winter. Toke-lau may therefore be rendered " coolness from the sea," an expression which applies very well to this wind at all the islands. Malangai seems to be the proper name for the trade-wind. This is its signification in Rarotongan, Mangarevan, Tahitian, and Ha- waiian. In the first two it becomes marangai, and in the last ma- lanai. The Tahitian had formerly maraai, which has been changed to maraamu by a singular principle, for which see the Grammar, § 81. In Samoan and Tongan this word is not used, its place being supplied by tokelau. In New Zealand, where there are no trades, it is still applied to the wind from the east. NUMERALS. A peculiarity of some of the numerals in the eastern dialects of Polynesia supplies us with a strong confirmation of the views ex- pressed respecting the emigration of the Hawaiians from Tahiti, by way of Nukuhiva. By referring to the Grammar, § 31, it will be seen that several of the higher numbers, such as tekau, ran, memo, which properly signify, ten, hundred, thousand, have acquired, in the Tahitian, Rarotongan, and Mangarevan, the meaning of twenty, two hundred, two thousand. The probable origin of this change is there explained, and need not be repeated here. In Hawaiian all these words are again doubled, and stand for forty, four hundred, and four thousand. Tauna is the unit of this quaternary system, and may be rendered one quadruple, using this term in a corresponding sense to couple. At the Marquesas there are different methods for the two clusters which compose that group. In the southern or Tahuatan cluster, in counting large objects they begin with tahi, one, and thence proceed to onohuu, ten, takau, twenty ; au, two hundred, &c. For small objects, as fish and most kinds of fruit, they begin with tauna, a couple, whence takau, ten couples, au, one hundred couples, &c., — OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 173 being in fact the same as the former, with the omission of onohuu. For breadfruit they reckon by pona (knots), of four each, in which case takau stands for ten ponas (i. e. forty, as in Hawaiian) ; au should properly be one hundred ponas, but for some unknown reason they have inserted a term tauau for this number, and use au to express two tauaus, i. e. eight hundred ponas ; mano is ten aus or eight thou- sand ponas. From this it will be seen how far they have departed from the original decimal system. In the northern or Nukuhivan cluster, in counting all objects, large or small, except breadfruit, they begin with tahi, one, and proceed to onohuu, ten, — takau, (or, accord- ing to some, tikau,} twenty, taufa (or toha], forty, au, four hundred, mano, four thousand, &c. For breadfruit, they use the pona, or " knot," and reckon taufa, ten knots, au, one hundred knots, &c. The Hawaiian system has evidently been formed by combining both of the Marquesan methods. It takes the fauna or pair of the Tahu- atan, doubles its value, and makes it the basis of enumeration, like the pona used for breadfruit. Ta'au (for takau), signifies ten tauna, or forty, and is used in counting fish, while tanahd, answering to taufa, is used for the same number in counting other objects, and above this, all the numbers are the same as in Nukuhivan. The Nukuhivan numerals also afford some evidence of their deriva- tion from the Tongan. The word for ten, onohuu, is the form which the Tongan ongofulu would take in this dialect. Tikau, used at Nukuhiva instead of the Tahuatan takau, is probably a corruption of the Tongan tekau. Langsdorf, who was at Nukuhiva with Kru- senstern, in 1804, gives for ten, ongofulu, — for twenty, itua-fulu, — for thirty, tolu-ongofulu, — for one hundred, tehau, — and for one thousand, afei. These are so near the Tongan terms that, but for the acknow- ledged accuracy of that writer, we might suspect them to have been derived from a native of the Friendly Islands, and inserted in the Marquesan vocabulary by mistake. The use of the I is also a remarkable circumstance, for though the Nukuhivans sometimes employ this sound (or that of r), yet Langsdorf gives no other example of it in his list of words. It is possible that Cabri, the French sailor, from whom he derived much of his information, had previously been at Tonga, and acquired the numerals of that dialect; and finding them so nearly like those of the Nukuhivan as to be readily under- stood there, had riot taken the trouble to change them. 44 174 ETHNOGRAPHY. VITI AND TONGA. From the description which has been given of the natives of the Feejee Group, it is evident that they cannot properly be ranked with either of the two neighboring races, although they approach nearest to that which inhabits the islands to the west of them. In color, they are neither yellow nor black, but a medium between the two, a sort of reddish brown. Their hair is neither woolly nor straight, but long and frizzled. In form and feature they hold the same undecided position, arid however it may be in reality, in appearance they cannot be better described than as a mulatto tribe, such as would be produced by a union of Melanesians and Polynesians. In character, they seem to have inherited the intellect, quick, apprehensive, and ingenious, of the latter, with the ferocity, sus- picion, and dissimulation of the former; and they have one advantage over both, in uniting the arts proper to each. Like the blacks, they use the bow in war, and manufacture pottery ; while they understand and practise the Polynesian methods of making paper-cloth, culti- vating taro, preparing kava, tattooing, &c. The composition of the language not only supports the opinion of their hybrid origin, but can in no other way be explained. Four fifths of the words are unlike those of any other idiom with which we are acquainted.* The other fifth, with most of the grammatical peculiarities, are Polynesian. But of these words, many are so altered, according to certain rules, that no native of Polynesia could pro- nounce them. Thus the p is almost always changed to the double consonant mb, as — VITIAN. POLYNESIAN. mba, pa, fence. mbaldlo, palolo a kind of sea-worm. tambu, tapu, sacred. tinnhu, tvpUj to grow. mburo'tu, pulotu, Elysium. The t frequently becomes nd, as — ndalo, taro, arum. ndalipa, taliya the ear. ndondonu, .... totonu, straight. nduna, tuna, eel. * It must be remembered that we have no grammar or extensive vocabulary of any proper Melanesian language. OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. ] 75 The k sometimes becomes yg, as — VITIAN. POLYNESIAN. u-agga vaka canoe. Vgftei kele, earth, clay. Vguggu, kuku, to grasp, hold. The r (or I) is sometimes changed to ndr (properly nr) ; as — andra, ala, awake. ndravu, lefu, ashes. ndrau, lau leaf. Besides the words so altered, a far greater number of Polynesian terms are found in the Vitian perfectly pure, and many of these are such as signify the commonest objects; while they are strangely intermixed with other words not found in any language of the Malay family. Thus the word for father is Polynesian, and that for son is not ; eye, ear, land, water, house, to sleep, to die, are all expressed by terms of Polynesian origin ; while tooth, tongue, sea, fire, cloth, to eat, to go, are from some other source. That the inhabitants of this group are a race of mixed origin, was a conclusion to which we arrived while on the spot. It was not, however, till some time after our return, while engaged in examining and comparing the dialects and traditions of the Oceanic tribes, that an opinion was formed as to the manner in which the intermixture may have taken place. ' As this opinion is a novel one, and may, at first sight, seem improbable, it will be proper to state, in their order, the observations which led to its adoption. 1. In drawing up the Comparative Grammar of the Polynesian dialects, it was impossible not to be struck with the numerous instances in which the Torigan departed from the rules which govern the rest, to agree with the Vitian. Some of these have been noted in the Grammar, ^ II, 56. A few of the most striking may be mentioned here. The Polynesian dialects, in general, have several suffixes, terminating mostly in ina and ia, which are joined to verbs to form the passive. The Vitian has the same particles, but used for a different purpose, viz. : to mark the transitive state of a verb. The Tongan, in this, agrees for the most part with the latter. Again, the regular Polynesian article is te (or in Samoan le, which is probably a modern form). That the Tongan once had this article is apparent from the fact that it is still found joined to some of the numerals, as tekumi, ten (applied to fathoms), pi. yakumi, tens; teau, hundred, 176 ETHNOGRAPHY. pi. -geau, hundreds. In the general speech, however, this article is no longer used, its place being supplied by the Vitian a. As regards pronunciation, in the eastern or Lakemba dialect of the Vitian, the t before i is pronounced like tc. (ch), or like ti in Christian. It is the same in Tongan, but in no other of the Polynesian tongues. Finally, there is a large class of words in which the Vitian uses the soft th (8} or the s, and the Tongan, which wants these letters, has in their place an h, while the Samoan and all the Polynesian dialects have nothing whatever; as, VITIAN. TONGAN. SAMOAN, ETC. Sake, . . hake, ake, a'e, . . upwards. Sivo, . . . . hifo, . . . . ifo, ... . downwards. viSa, . . fiha, . . . . fia, ... how many ? Sama, . . hama, . ama, . outrigger. vo£e, . . . . fohe, . . . . foe, ... . paddle. uSa, . . . . uha, . . . . ua, . . . . rain. Sakau, . . hakau, . . akau, a'au, . reef. moSe, . . mohe, . . moe, . . . sola, . . . hala, . . . . ala, . . . . path. sui, . . . . li">, . . . . ivi, . . . . bone. These instances of resemblance, affecting whole classes of words, and important grammatical characteristics, cannot be explained on the supposition of an ordinary intercourse, such as is at present main- tained between the two groups. Nothing but an intimate connexion, and some intermixture, would have availed to produce such an effect. 2. In bringing together the materials for the Polynesian Lexicon, the meaning of the words fiti (or viti*) and tonga became apparent. The first means properly to rise, applied to the sun. The second is the noun formed by adding the suffix ya, to the verb to, which signi- fies to set, as the sun. The first is found in the dialect of Fakaafo as fiti, in Nukuhivan as fiti or hiti, in Tahitian and Hawaiian it is hiti, in Rarotongan iti, and in New Zealand rviti, — in all with the same meaning. The second (to) occurs with the sense of to set, in Tahi- tian, Rarotongan, Paumotuan, and New Zealand ; and in other dialects it has, though not the same, somewhat similar meanings. In Tahitian, (which omits the y,) the suffix ya becomes a, and thus we have, in the translation of the New Testament, Matt. xxv. 27, " mai te hitia o te ra i te tooa o tera," " from the east to the west," — literally, * The Polynesian / becomes invariably v in the Vitian language. OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 177 from the rising of the sun to the setting of the sun, (ab oriente ad occi- dentem.}* It appears, however, that in the first expression (hitia) the suffiix a is not necessary, — for in Matt. viii. 11, we have "mai te hiti oterae te tooa o te ra," " from the east and the west," — literally, from the rise of the sun, &c. It should be observed that the double o in tooa is written by the missionaries to distinguish it from toa, south, but the pronunciation of both is the same, and, in propriety, the spelling should be alike. Restoring therefore the latter phrase to what it would be in Samoan, or in the original form, we shall have " mai te FITI o te la e te TOJA o te la." But the addition " o te la" is not necessary to the sense. In Hawaiian hitina alone is the regular term for east. We have, therefore, to account for two facts, each of them suffi- ciently strange ; first, that two groups, situated four hundred miles apart, and inhabited by different races, should bear names which are plainly correlative; and secondly, that these names should be the exact opposite to what their meaning would seem to require, — the Tonga, or western country, lying to the east, and the Fiti, or eastern land, to the west. 3. A remarkable mythological tradition, given by Mariner, as pre- valent in the Tonga Islands, though its real purport appears to have been forgotten in the lapse of time, affords a clue to the origin and explanation of these phenomena. It is, in substance, as follows : — Tangaloa and his two sons dwelt in Eolotoo (or, more correctly, Bulotu). He commanded them, saying, " Go and take with you your wives, and dwell in the world at Tonga ; divide the land into two portions, and dwell separately from each other." They departed accordingly. The name of the eldest was Tub6 (Tubou); that of the youngest Vaka- akauuli, who was an exceedingly wise young man, and first formed axes and invented beads and cloth and looking-glasses. The other acted differently, being very indolent, sauntering about and sleeping, and envying the works of his younger brother. His evil disposition led him, at last, to waylay his brother and kill him. Thereupon Tangaloa came from Bul6tu with great auger, and after rebuking the murderer for his crime, called together the family of his younger son, and directed them to launch their canoes, and sail to the east (ki tokelau, toward the trade-wind), to the great land there, and dwell * " From sunrise until sunset, All earth shall hear thy fame." Macaulay's "Prophecy of Capys." 45 178 ETHNOGRAPHY. there. " You shall be white, as your mind is good ; you shall also be wise, making axes and all kinds of valuable things, and large canoes. In the mean time, I will tell the wind to blow from your land to Tonga, so that you shall come hither to trade, but your elder brother shall not go to you with his bad canoes." To the elder brother he said, — " You shall be black, as your mind is bad, and you shall be destitute ; few good things shall you have, nor shall you go to your brother's land to trade."* The natives told this story to account for the difference in color and civilization, between themselves and their European visitors, considering themselves to be the descendants of the elder brother, and the latter of the younger. Mariner was much struck with its singularity, and suspected that it was of modern manufacture, and a corrupted form of the scriptural account of Cain and Abel, learned from some of their foreign visitors ; but he says " the oldest men affirmed their positive belief that it was an ancient traditionary record, and that it was founded in truth." There is certainly no intelligible reason why they should have attempted to deceive him on the point of its antiquity, or been themselves deceived. But if it were really an ancient story, it could not have referred originally to the whites, however it may be applied to them at present. The probability is, as before observed, that it is an ancient mythos, under which the early history of the islanders is veiled, though, in the passage of centuries, the real parts have been forgotten, and the story has received, of late, a new application. The original scene is probably on the Feejee Group. A party of Melanesians, or Papuans, (the elder brother) arrive first at this group, and settle principally on the extensive alluvial plain which stretches along the eastern coast of Viti-levu. Afterwards a second company of emigrants, of the Polynesian race, perhaps from some island in the East Indies, called Bulotu, make their appearance, and finding the western coast (a mountainous and comparatively sterile region) unoccupied, establish themselves upon it. The two thus divide the land between them, and are known to one another as eastern people and western people, * See " An Account of the Natives of the Tonga Islands, compiled by J. Martin, M. D., from the communications of William Mariner." Constable's Miscellany, vol. ii. p. 112 and Appendix, p. 40, where it is given in the original Tongan. OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 179 or Viti and Tonga* After several generations, the blacks (or Viti), jealous of the increasing wealth and power of their less barbarous neighbors, rise upon, and partly by treachery, partly by superior numbers, succeed in overpowering them. Those of the Tonga who are not made prisoners, launch their canoes, and betake themselves to sea, after the usual custom of vanquished tribes. In this way they reach the islands of the Friendly Group, which receive from them the name of Tonga, the largest (the "great land") being distinguished by the epithet tabu, or sacred. The trade-wind blows directly from this group towards Viti, and the natives of the latter group never visit the Friendly Islands, except in Tonga canoes, by which alone the intercourse between the two is maintained. The consequences of this course of events would be as follows : 1. During the residence of the two races on the same group, the close connexion which would necessarily exist between them could riot fail to have some influence on the language of each ; of which we see the traces in the Tongan dialect. 2. It is not to be supposed that all, or even the greater part of the Tonga people would be able to make their escape. Those who remained would be reduced to captivity, and the women would become the wives of the conquerors. The result would be a people of mixed race and language, in both of which the Melanesian element would predominate. Such are the Feejeeans at this day. 3. The words viti (or fiti) and tonga would no longer be applicable as regards their signification of east and west. One of two results would necessarily follow. Either the words would cease to be employed to distinguish the two tribes, or they would lose their proper and original meaning, and become mere appellatives. The latter, as might be expected, has occurred. The two words are unknown in the Vitian and Tongan languages, except as the names of the groups.f 4. The Samoan people are so near the others, and maintain so con- stant a communication with them, that the same result must necessa- rily follow in their dialect, as we find to be the case. Fiti and Tonga are used in it only as proper names. But it is deserving of remark, * So in the English Heptarchy, Essex and Wessex, Norfolk and Suffolk. It is worthy of remark that, at the present day, the western coast of Viti-levu is known by the general name of Ra, a word which properly means below, and hence (like the Polynesian lalo) leeward and westward. f The word Norman is a striking example of a similar change of meaning. 180 ETHNOGRAPHY. that in nearly, if not quite, all the dialects derived from the Samoan, as before stated, these words exist ; consequently the people speaking those dialects, (the Tahitians, New Zealanders, Nukuhivans, &c.,) must have emigrated before the words became obsolete in Samoan, — consequently before the Tongans had been long settled in the group which they now occupy. 5. But, on the other hand, it has been several times remarked, that tonga in Samoan signifies, at present, the south (or Tonga) wind, — and the word has the same meaning in the Tahitian, New Zealand, Rarotongan, &c. Consequently, the emigration by which these islands were peopled must have taken place after the Friendly Islands were occupied by the Tonga people.* In the last two paragraphs are given the reasons for supposing that Tahiti (and perhaps Nukuhiva and New Zealand) were peopled shortly after the flight of the Tonga people from Viti and their settle- ment in their present seat. This deduction calls to mind the infor- mation which we received from the missionaries at the Samoan Islands, that, on some of the hills in the interior, were extensive walls, bearing the marks of great antiquity. The traditionary account which the natives gave of them was that they were fortifications erected during a war between their ancestors and the Tonga people. It certainly is not unlikely that this war resulted from the settlement of the latter in the Friendly Islands. These islands are at no great distance from Samoa, and may have been shortly before colonized from thence, and considered as dependencies. A fleet of large canoes, such as are used by the Tonga and Viti people, suddenly arrives, bringing an army of fugitive, but brave and experienced warriors, desperate from their recent losses. The Samoan colonists, surprised and unused to war, are conquered without difficulty. Some of them seek refuge in the mother country, and the natural consequence ensues, — a furious contest between the Samoans and the intruders in the Friendly Islands. The latter, though probably inferior in num- bers, would be (as they still are) far better navigators and more skilful warriors than their northern neighbors. They would naturally be the assailants, and might, at first, commit great ravages, and perhaps, partially conquer some of the hostile islands. Many of the vanquished * Thus we can account for the singular circumstance that too, in Tahitian, and toya in Rarotongan should signify both south and west. In the latter sense, it is the noun of to, and means properly sunset ; in the former, it is from the island of Tonga, and is derived from the Samoan use of the term. OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 181 people, as usual in such cases, would take to their canoes, and spread the Samoan race and language over the distant islands of the Pacific. If the Tonga fugitives, as thus supposed, found the islands in which they took refuge already partially settled, and reduced the inhabitants to subjection, it would account for the fact that the dis- tinction of classes or caste is maintained with much more rigor among them than on any of the other groups of Polynesia. Besides the three classes of riki, matabuk, and mua, (or chiefs, councillors, and common people,) all of whom are free, and capable of holding land and office, there is a fourth class, called tua, who are serfs, affixed to the soil, and incapable of rising above their actual position. Another peculiarity in the social system of the Friendly islanders may be explained in accordance with the views here expressed con- cerning their early migrations. There is on this group a chief called Tui-tonga, who is esteemed divine, and believed to be descended from a god of Bulotu. He takes rank before all the other chiefs, the king not excepted, and receives from them peculiar marks of reverence, though his actual authority is less than that of many others. Tui- Tonga means " Lord of Tonga." The word tui (lord) is seldom used alone, but generally with the name of a place following it. This place, so far as our information extends, is never a group or large island, but always some dependent islet or district. Thus there is no Tui-Viti, Tui-Vavau, Tui-Upolu, but we have Tui-NdreJcete, Tui- Belehaki, Tui-Aana, — these being districts on the larger islands. We may suppose that while Tonga was merely a district of Viti-levu, its chief would be termed Tui-Tonga, — and he would most probably be a descendant of the leader under whom the first emigrants came from Bulotu. In the great changes which would naturally be produced by their expulsion and flight to the Friendly Islands, some other chief might seize the supreme power, leaving to the dispossessed sovereign his title, rank, and the respect which he would derive from his supposed descent. A fact which gives probability to this supposition is the custom which exists of strangling the wife of Tui-Tonga, at the burial of the latter. This is, as has been stated, the regular custom among the Feejeeans at the burial of a chief, and the wife considers it disgraceful to survive her husband. If, while the Tonga people lived on the Feejee Group, their head-chief was accustomed, from motives of policy, to seek the alliance of his dusky neighbors, it would account for the custom being introduced into his family ; and, once introduced, 46 182 ETHNOGRAPHY. a sentiment of reverence for his high rank and attributes would not allow it to be discontinued. But if the Tonga people once resided on the Feejee Islands, we should expect to find some evidence of the fact at the latter group, in the names of places and the traditions of the people. And in this we are not disappointed. Whether the Vitians have any recollection of the war of the two races, such as the Tongans retain embodied in their mythology, is not known. The views which are now advanced did not occur to us until after our return, and, of course, no inquiries were made on the subject while we were at the islands. But many facts were noted bearing incidentally upon it, and among them the following may be cited, as strongly confirmatory of these opinions. 1. On the west coast of Viti-levu, exactly at the place where our hypothesis supposes the Tongans to have first established themselves on that island, is a large district called Vei-Tonga, which means " to Tonga" or perhaps, originally, to westward. We did not visit it, nor learn any thing concerning its inhabitants. Nearly opposite to this, on the east coast of the same island is a bay called Viti-levu, which may, in like manner, have been the pristine seat of the Melanesian emigrants, from which the name has finally been extended to the whole island. 2. We have spoken in another place of the clan or tribe called Levuka, the original inhabitants of the island of Mbau, who are dis- tinguished from the other Vitians by their enterprise and intelligence, and carry on most of the trade between the different islands. They are distinctly stated by the natives to be of Tongan descent, though in appearance they do not differ from the other islanders. The prin- cipal town on the island of Ovolau is also called Levuka, and the people are equally remarkable for their intelligence and good dispo- sition. It does not appear that there is, at present, any connexion between them and the tribe mentioned above ; but the identity of name and similarity of character would lead us to suspect that such a connexion may have formerly existed. Another name which is equally diffused in Viti is Namuka. This is the name of an island in the western part of the group, south of Viti-levu, of another in the eastern part, near Lakemba, and of a district upon the last-named island, to which the spirits of the dead are supposed to repair before they descend to their final residence in the Mbulu or Hades. Both these names are found in the Tonga Group, where they are applied to the two largest islands of the Habai Cluster (Lefuka and Namuka), OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 183 which are, politically, next in importance to Tongatabu. The mere similarity, or rather identity, of names is, of itself, sufficiently re- markable, and when coupled with the assertion of the Feejeeans that the Levuka people are of Tongan derivation, will be admitted to need some explanation. If we suppose that these appellations were those of two principal divisions of the Tonga (or western people) when they resided on Viti, we can understand that the fugitives would be likely to preserve the same names in their new homes, while those of them who remained in Viti, subject to their dusky conquerors, would natu- rally keep together as much as possible, and in this way their mixed progeny might retain somewhat more of Tongan blood, and with it more of the bold, enterprising character of their ancestors, than the other natives. England offers us, in the province of Cornwall, an example of a people, who, though they have forgotten their original tongue, and are much intermingled with their Saxon conquerors, retain yet many of the peculiarities of the Celtic character. These are not the only instances of similarity in names between the two groups. Mango, Fotua ( Votua], and Fiva ( Virva), which are the names of islands in Tonga, are also found in Viti. The ruling family of Tonga, whose name is Tubou, have a tradition, as one of the members of it informed us, that this name was originally derived from Tumbou, the principal town on the island of Lakemba. 3. The mythological history of Ndengei, the principal deity of Viti, appears to refer to events in the early history of the two races. The word Ndengei is supposed by some to be a corruption of the first part of the name Tanga-loa (great Tonga), the chief divinity of Polynesia. He is represented as making his appearance after the islands were peopled. He was first seen on the west coast of Viti-levu, dressed in the malo, — a girdle worn after a peculiar fashion. From thence he came to Mbengga, and from Mbengga to Rewa. After remaining there for a time, he removed to Verata, formerly the principal town on the island, leaving Rewa under the government of a Tongan divinity, called Wairua. Now as none of the black tribes, except the Vitians, wear the malo, which seems to be peculiar to the Poly- nesians, it is natural to suppose that the former (the Viti) derived this fashion of dress from the latter. Hence this mythos may be explained as follows. After the Vitians had settled upon and par- tially populated Viti-levu, another people appeared at Ra, on the western coast, wearing the malo, and having for a divinity Tanga-loa. From Ra they advanced to Mbengga, and from Mbengga to Rewa, 184 ETHNOGRAPHY. in search of a better land (for it is expressly stated that the god would not dwell at Mbengga because the ground was stony). During their residence at Rewa, the intercourse between them and the Viti, whose head-quarters were at Verata, was naturally much greater than before ; and it resulted in the latter adopting the religion and garb, as well as many of the customs of their more civilized neighbors, — a fact typi- fied in the removal of Ndengei to Verata, leaving Rewa under the charge of the Tongan deity Wairua. There is no such god as this in the Tongan pantheon, and no such word in their vocabulary ; but in the dialect of New Zealand, rvairua signifies a spirit, and is ap- plied to all divinities. Such may have formerly been its meaning in Tongan. That the Tonga people really advanced from Ra to Mbengga and Rewa, is indicated by several facts. The western island of Namuka, of which we have before spoken, is situated within the same reef as Mbengga, and is politically, as well as by situation, in close connexion with it. About three miles west of Rewa is an extensive and fertile tract of land, enclosed between two arms of the Wailevu, or great river, and known as the island or district of Tonga. The adoption by the Vitians of the religion and some of the arts of their Polynesian countrymen, probably preceded the war in which the latter were vanquished and partially expelled from the group. Of course, the amalgamation of the victors and the conquered people would greatly contribute to the civilization of the former, and to their improvement as a race. It has been intimated, however, that the black settlers on the Feejee Group were not, probably, of the pure Melanesian or negro race, but Papuans, — that is, having some mixture of Malay blood, as is seen in the inhabitants of the north coast of New Guinea. This opinion is founded partly on the fact that the negro tribes rarely have canoes fitted for a long voyage ; and partly on the presence, in the Vitian language, of several words of Malaisian origin, which are either not found at all in the Polynesian, or, if found, are in a different shape, as — VITIAN. lako, . . rutu, . vula, kurukuru, ndra, . . MALAISIAN. laku, raiu, wulan, bulan, ... gugur, grugrug, (Bali.) POLYNESIAN. alo, haele, ... to go. aliki chief. masina, malama, moon. fatutili, .... thunder. darah, (Mai.) rah, (Bali.) toto, blood. OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 185 VITIAN. MALAI8IAN. POLYNESIAN. ndovu, .... tabu, (Bugis) .... tola, to, .... sugar-cane. voli, .... ball, (Jav.) fakatau, ... to trade. vcda, .... balas, (Jav.) .... fetaki, .... retaliation. vosa, .... bosa, leo, voice. koro, .... ndgoro,* nuku, apo, . . town. The last two are perhaps accidental coincidences, for the Malaisian words are of Sanscrit origin, and their introduction into the Javanese is supposed to be comparatively modern, though, on this point, we have no certainty.f To the above list may be added the affixed possessive pronouns, which, in the singular, at least, are plainly of Malaisian origin. It may be thought that if the Vitian has thus derived some of its words directly from the Malaisian, it may owe to the same source all those which we have considered to be of Polynesian origin. But a little reflection will show that this supposition is altogether impro- bable. The Vitian agrees with the Polynesian, not only in many words that are not found in any proper Malaisian dialect with which we are acquainted, but also in many minute grammatical peculiarities. We may mention, for example, the use of the nomi- native particle ho (Comparative Grammar, § 17), of the causative and reflective forms ($ 54), of the passive or transitive suffixes (§ 56), and of the relative particle ($ 60), none of which are known to exist in any language of the Indian Archipelago. The argument, moreover, from the composition of the language, is offered merely to prove that the Vitians are of mixed descent, while the opinion expressed as to the probable mode in which this mingling of races has been effected, rests upon the peculiar evidence derived from the native traditions and customs, and the relative meaning or similarity in the names of places and tribes. The supposition of the existence of people of distinct races, like the Viti and Tonga, in the same group, is countenanced by facts observed at a short distance from the Feejee Islands. We have already spoken of the island of Tanna in the New Hebrides, which has, about five miles from its coast, two islets inhabited by Polynesians, whose * The words here given in the various Malaisian dialects are taken from the Compa- rative Vocabulary in Crawford's Indian Archipelago, vol. ii. t If the Vitian word vosa be really from the Javanese bosa, it will then be derived from the Sanscrit bhasha, which is also the original of the Latin vox, and the English voice. 47 186 ETHNOGRAPHY. language is spoken by the dusky natives of Tanna, along with their own. Should the latter conquer the islets in question, and compel the inhabitants to coalesce with them, the result would probably be a progeny of mixed race and language, like the Feejeeans. Again, Quiros, who discovered the island of Taumako, north of the New Hebrides, found it "inhabited by people of different kinds. Some were of a light copper color, with long hair, some were mulattoes, and some black, with short, frizzled hair."* It is evident, more- over, that if on any group we might expect to find a people of mixed lineage, it would be on that which lies midway between the two races of pure blood. T i K o P i A. A similarity of names, together with some dialectical peculiarities, has led to what may be considered at least a plausible conjecture with regard to the origin of the population of this islet, removed so far beyond the usual limits of the Polynesian race. An island in the windward chain of the Feejee Group is called Tikombia, a name which, according to the usual permutation of letters, is identical with Tikopia. In the " Philology of the Voyage of the Astrolabe," vol. ii. p. 161, we have a vocabulary of two hundred and fifty words of the language spoken by this people. From this, it appears that their dialect approaches nearer to the Tongan than to any other, but yet differs from it in several points of some importance. The similarity appears very clearly in the numerals, as — TIKOPIAN. TONGAN. SAMOAN, ETC. tasa, taha, .... tasi, tahi, . . . one. siva, hiva, .... iva, nine. teau, teau, .... selau, one hundred. rta yeau, . . . ua geau, . . . hta lau, .... two hundred. toru yeau, . . . tolu yeau, . . . tdu yalau, . . . three hundred. The Tikopian differs from the Tongan in using the s where the latter has h, as in the words for one and nine given above, and in employing the definite article te, which has become obsolete in the Tongan. But it is remarkable that in this brief vocabulary several words * Burney's History of Voyages, vol. ii. p. 290. OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 187 are found which are not Polynesian, and which seem to be of Vitian origin, as sori, to give (Vit. soli} ; -gasau, arrow (Vit. -gasau, a reed, hence, an arrow); muna, to speak (Vit. the same); tinana, mother (Vit. tinana, his mother); furau, a stranger (Vit. vura, a visitor — vulayi, a stranger). These peculiarities may be accounted for, by supposing that the ancestors of the Tikopians belonged to the Polynesian people who formerly inhabited a part of the Feejee Group. They may have been established in the above-mentioned island of Tikombia. On their conquest and expulsion from that group, instead of accompanying the rest of the fugitives to the Friendly Islands, they may have been separated from them by some accident, and carried by the southeast trades to the island which they now occupy. Of course, their dialect, which was originally the same as the Tongan, would, in time, become different from it, chiefly by not undergoing the euphonic alterations to which the latter has been subjected. It should be observed that tonga, in Tikopia, signifies east, which may be accounted for from the fact that the natives are aware of the existence of the Tonga Islands, and their position relative to their own country. They informed Dillon* that, in the days of their ancestors, their island was invaded by a fleet of five large canoes from Tongatabu, the crews of which committed great ravages. TARAWA. Our inquiries into the migrations of the Micronesian tribes have been confined to the groups of Tarawa and Banabe, the latter being noticed only so far as it is connected with the former. The account which Kirby (the British seaman of whom some account is given on p. 90) heard from the people of Apamama concerning the first set- tlement of the Kingsmill Islands is so plain and unexaggerated in its details, that it has the air of an historical narrative. They assert that the first colonists arrived, in two canoes, from Bdnep, an island lying far to the southwestward, whence they were obliged to betake them- selves to sea, as the only means of escaping death from their con- querors in a civil war. They drifted upon these islands, and had just commenced their settlement, when two other canoes arrived from a land to the southeast, called Amoi. The new-comers were lighter * Voyage for the Discovery of La Perouse, vol. ii. p. 112. 188 ETHNOGRAPHY. in color and handsomer than their predecessors, and spoke a different language. For some time the two parties lived together in harmony ; but after two or three generations the warriors of the Banep party, influenced by the beauty of the Amoi females, rose upon and killed the men, and took the women for wives. From this source all the inhabitants of the Kingsmill Group are descended. The tradition states further that the natives of Amoi brought with them the breadfruit, and those of Banep the taro ; but the cocoa-nut and pandanus were found upon the islands. If we are to consider this account as an historical fact, every cir- cumstance points to the Navigator Islands, (Samoa,) as the source of the Amoi people. The Tarawan language has no s, nor any substi- tute for that letter ; and the change from Amoa to Amoi (or rather, perhaps, Amoe) is not so great as proper names frequently undergo in the pronunciation of foreigners. Banep is probably the same as Bandbe ; for the direction which Kirby assigned to it was found to be a mistake. At Makin the natives knew of the same island, and de- scribed it as lying to the northwest. The evidence of language confirms this tradition, so far as the means of comparison exist. For the Samoan these are ample, and the resemblance of many of its words to the corresponding terms in the Tarawan dialect is evident on the most cursory inspection. The following are a few instances. It must be recollected that the Ta- rawan has neither f, I, s, nor v. The first it sometimes omits, and sometimes supplies by b ; the / is changed to r or n ; the s is dropped entirely, and the v is changed to w. The concluding vowel was fre- quently omitted by the interpreters, though it probably is not by the natives. Where the Jc has been dropped by the Samoan from a word in which it originally existed, the Tarawan sometimes inserts, and sometimes omits it. SAMOAN. TARAWAN. amo, . . . amo, ... to carry on the back. tau, .... tau, ... to take. pu, .... pu, ... the conch-shell. tagi, . . . toyi, ... to cry. pou, . . . pou, . . . post. afi, ai, ... fire. fafine, . « . aine, . . . woman. yafa, -go. (i. o. ~gaa) , . fathom. fanwa, . , . • benua, . . . country. fulufulu, . . . buruburu, . . fur. AMOAN. TARAWAN. ipu, .... ibu, taKga, tariga, taniya, tmiliilu, maruru, vae, .... wai, veti, .... witi, layo, nay, mot it, mot, ate, .... at, md'alili (for makalili), mariri, . 'imoa (lor kimoa), kimoa, . 'ie(forkie), kie, i'e (for ike), ike, OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. cup. ear. soft. foot. to carry in the arms. . fly. to break, broken. liver. cold. rat. mat. . mallet. This list might be lengthened to two or three hundred words, but the preceding will be sufficient to show the changes which the Sa- moan words undergo when adopted into the Tarawan. For the dialect of Banabe, the other supposed constituent of this tongue, our means of comparison are much more limited. About a hundred words, obtained from O'Connell and Mr. Punchard (see p. 80), both of whom had a very imperfect knowledge of the language, are all that we possess which can be relied on. These words are, no doubt, somewhat altered in their pronunciation from the proper sound. This is especially the case where a d or t occur, which are frequently changed by them to dj or ch (tg). This was an alteration very often made by Grey and Kirby, at the Kingsmill Islands, but the knowledge acquired during our intercourse with the natives enabled us to detect it. It happens that most of the words which we have in the language of Banabe, are such as, in the Tarawan, have been derived from its Samoan parent. There are, however, a few exceptions. In the Ta- rawan, mo signifies front or face, and is used for chief, in which case it is commonly connected with apa (pronounced by Kirby ap], mean- ing land, island, town, — as, mo-n' te apa, " chief or front of the land." Both the interpreters pronounced this montgap (or montshap}. In Banabean the word for high chief, according to O'Connell, is mund- jab, which is probably the same, in composition as in meaning, with the Tarawan term. Land, or country, in Banabean, is djab ; in Tarawan it is te apa, pronounced by Kirby tcap. The pronoun / in Tarawan is igai, but in Grey's pronunciation always nai ; in the dialect of Banabe it is also nai, according to Mr. Punchard. An old cocoa-nut is called by the natives of Taputeouea, penu ; Kirby pro- 48 190 ETHNOGRAPHY. nounced it pen, and Mr. Punchard the same for the Banabean. To drink is in Tarawan nima, in Banabean, nim. In the latter language, according to O'Connell, ediomet signifies a priest, but is frequently used for a chief of the lower order. In Makin, where there are no priests, the tiomat are the gentry or petty chiefs. These examples will probably be sufficient to show that the evi- dence of language favors the opinion of the twofold origin of this people. How far this evidence is supported by that derived from their customs and character, will sufficiently appear from the descrip- tion given of them elsewhere. The fact that a chance communication between the Kingsmill Group and Ascension Island has taken place very lately, though in the opposite direction to that here supposed, was learned from M. Maigret, French missionary at the Sandwich Islands, to whom we are indebted for much valuable information. During his stay at Banabe, in 1837, he saw a man who had been drifted thither in a canoe from an island called Maraki, and who informed M. Maigret, among other things, that his people were accustomed to make a sweet drink called takdrave, unlike any thing to be found at Ascension. Maraki is one of the Tarawan group, and their karave (with the article, te karave,) is a beverage made of the sweet juice drawn from the spathe of the cocoa-nut tree. But an examination of the Tarawan vocabulary has led to other conclusions not less unexpected than curious. A great number of words in this dialect are found to have an evident affinity to the cor- responding terms in the Vitian, — the difference being only such as would be produced by the different pronunciation of the two lan- guages. Thus the 6" of the Vitian is changed in the Tarawan to r ; the v to w (or it is omitted) ; the I to r or n ; and the compound let- ters mb, nd, ndr, are reduced to the simple elements b or p, d or t, and r, or else omitted entirely, thus — VITIAN. TARAWAN. SAMOAN. ta£i, . . tari, . . tei, . . . brother. aSa, . . ara, . . . iyoa, . . name. €ama, . . raina, . . ama, . . outrigger. ua£a, . . ora, . . . rnaui, . . low-tide. vifa, . . ira, . . . fia, . , . how many ? vela, . . wtrara, . . anuanua, . . rainbow. ova, . , . uoua, . . 'au'au, . . to swim. lako, . . nako, . . alo, sau, . . to go, come. loka, . . nok, . . . -galu, . . surf. OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 191 VITIAN. TARAWAN. SAMOAN. wili, wlriki, faitau, to reckon. kini, kiniki, felau, to pinch. kana, kana, . '«, . . to eat. kai, . kaen, lo, . . . ro, . malu, quiet. waka, waka, a'a, . root. kari, kare, valu, to scrape. toka, toka, nofo, to stay, reside. nanoa, kua-nanoa, ananafi, . yesterday. lolo, to fast, ro, . oye, . famine. mamdri, thin. . mamar, vaivai, weak, feeble. amu, amu, au, . thy. na, . na, . te, . future particle. ni, . ni, . of mbai, bai, . lava, very. mbo, bo, iloa,fetai, . to find, meet. mboyi, boy, . po, . night. tamba, tapa, fasi, . place. mbuto, butara, pouli, dark. ndai, tai, . pcpelo, false. ndaindai, . taitai, nanei, presently. ndomi, toma, miti, to suck. ndoka, toka, . fopa, top. ndaku, aku, . tua, . back. ndrd, rard, tola, . blood. aundre, aura, pupula, to shine. This list could be greatly extended, but the foregoing will be sufficient to show that the Vitian and Tarawan have derived many of their words from a common source, and that this source is not the Polynesian. We have no means of determining if these words are found in the language of Banabe, but it certainly is not improbable. We have seen, in the description given of the natives of that island, that they are of two classes, differing so much in color and features as to make a difference of origin highly probable. The one, which includes all the chiefs and free natives, is evidently of the yellow Micronesian race ; the other is ascribed, both by Admiral Lu'tke and O'Connell, to the Papuan or Melanesian. At present they speak one language, which is, perhaps, formed by a fusion of their original idioms. In this case, a part of the Banabean tongue would have a cognate origin with the greater part of the Vitian. The words of Melanesian origin, in the former tongue, would be brought by the 192 ETHNOGRAPHY. emigrants to the Kingsmill Group, and there, perhaps, undergo some farther alteration by a mixture with the Samoan. It will be remembered that O'Connell, in speaking of the voluntary emigrations which take place from Banabe (ante, p. 85), observes that those who compose them are mostly of the lower classes, (i. e. the Nigurts, of Papuan origin.) From the superior numbers of the latter, it would probably be the same with a fugitive war-party. In this way we may account for the brownish complexion, midway between the yellow of the Polynesian, and the dusky hue of the Feejeean, which distinguishes the natives of most of the Kingsmill Islands. It is evident, moreover, that in such an emigration, the strict subordina- tion between the higher castes of chiefs and gentry, and their nume- rous serfs, would not be easily maintained. The former would be compelled, either to unite and become confounded with the latter, a measure abhorrent to all their prejudices, — or to separate from them entirely. The latter course is certainly that which they would be likely to pursue, if it were possible ; and we may thus account for one cluster of the Kingsmill Islands (that of Makin) being inhabited by people of a lighter hue than the rest, with many customs and traits of character distinguishing them from the southern natives, and assimilating them to the proper Micronesian race. It will be observed that some of the words given above, as common to the Vitian and Tarawan, are of Malaisian origin, (though distinct from the Polynesian,) — as, ten, younger brother; ara, name ; amu, thy, &c. This is readily accounted for from the mixed nature of the Papuan language, as elsewhere described (p. 184.) In this way, also, are explained some grammatical peculiarities, such as the affixed possessive pronouns common to both, and evidently from the same source; as, VITIAN. TAHAWAN. tdma, . . . tdma, . . . father. tamdygu, . . . tarndu, . . . my father. lamdmu, . . . tamamu, . . . thy father. tamdna, . , . tamdna, ... his father. Of the time which has elapsed since the islands were peopled, we have no means of forming a positive judgment. But from the dis- tinctness with which the native account of this event is detailed, with the paucity of other traditions, and from various concurring circum- stances, it seems probable that the arrival of the first colonists took OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 193 place at a comparatively modern period, not more, perhaps, than five or six centuries ago. The natives say that, a few generations back, the number of people was much less than at present, wars were less frequent, and the communication between the islands was free and safe. The grandfather of the present king of Apamama, more than a hundred years ago, visited every island of the group, for the purpose of seeing what he considered the world. At present, from the hostility which prevails between the different clusters, such an undertaking would be impossible. We have elsewhere (p. 120) stated our reasons for believing that the name Samoa, for the Navigator Group, from which amoi is probably derived, is of late adoption. One word of the Tarawari language, viti, may be noticed as an evidence of the communication which exists among the tribes of the Pacific. The Feejee Group, Rotuma, Vaitupu, and the Kingsmill Group, are situated nearly in a line from north to south, with inter- vals of about five degrees between them. They are inhabited by different races, having distinct languages and customs. At Vaitupu, the natives called some bananas which we had on board (a fruit that does not grow on their island) futi o Rotuma, or bananas of Rotuma, showing that they had intercourse with the latter island. They also called an iron axe tokifai, i. e. Feejee axe, and we may presume that they first acquired a knowledge of iron at Rotuma, to which island it had been brought from Viti. From Vaitupu the metal was probably carried, in like manner, to the Kingsmill Islands, where the word fat became biti, and was used no longer as an epithet, but as a common noun.* SYNOPSIS OF MIXED LANGUAGES. The table and formulae which follow are to be considered merely as expressing, in a succinct form, the conclusions with respect to the composition of some of the Oceanic languages which have been stated in the course of this essay as the result of our investigations. * See what is said (pages 130, 139,) concerning the change in meaning which proper names undergo at the second remove. 49 194 ETHNOGRAPHY. A. Malay race. B. Melanesian race. C. Micronesian race. a' Polynesian branch. Y Banabe (C+B+a") Tarawa (C+B+a'+a") In this table the Micronesian race is regarded as perfectly distinct from the others, which is not altogether correct ; as it is no where to be found (as far as our information extends) in a pure state, but always with a greater or less mixture of the Malay. Moreover, it must be borne in mind, that the view here given of the composition of the Banabean tongue rests, in part, on a mere assumption, which, though probable, is not to be regarded as proved. •- ORIGIN OF THE POLYNESIANS. That the Polynesians belong to the same race as that which peo- ples the East Indian Islands is, at present, universally admitted. If any doubt had remained on this point, the labors of Wm. Von Hum- boldt and Professor Buschman, would have been sufficient to set it at rest. Having traced all the principal tribes of Polynesia back to the Samoan and Tongan Groups, it next becomes a question of interest, how far the information which we now possess will enable us to verify the supposed emigration of the first settlers in these groups from some point in the Malaisian Archipelago. From the almost total ignorance in which we yet remain of the dialects spoken in the eastern part of this archipelago, our means of forming a judgment are OCEANIC MIGRATIONS. 195 very limited. Nevertheless we may venture to offer a conjecture, based upon such an amount of evidence as seems to bring it at least within the bounds of probability. 1. The natives of Tonga and Samoa, as has been before stated, refer the origin of their race to a large island, situated to the north- west, called by the former Buldtu, by the latter Puldtu and Purdtu. As the / and r are used indifferently in these dialects, it would be doubtful which was the proper spelling ; but the Feejeeans, who dis- tinguish between these two elements, have borrowed this and many other traditions from their eastern neighbors, and call the island in question Mburdtu. Hence we may conclude that Burotu or Purotu is the correct form. Now the easternmost island inhabited by the yellow Malaisian race, in the East Indian Archipelago, is that called on our maps Bouro or Booro. It lies west of Ceram, which is occu- pied in the interior by Papuans, and on the coast by Malays. Apart, therefore, from any resemblance of name, if we derive the Polynesians from that one of the Malaisian Islands which lies nearest to them, we should refer them to the above-mentioned Bouro. 2. M. de Rienzi informs us (Oceanie, vol. iii. p. 384,) that he met, in the East Indies, a Boughis captain, who had visited the Solomon Islands. The Bugis are a tribe of Celebes, of the same race and the same degree of civilization with the natives of Bouro. The Solomon Islands are at nearly two-thirds of the distance from Celebes and Bouro to Samoa. 3. We have had occasion before to cite the description given by Quiros, of Taumaco, whose inhabitants are "of different kinds, yellow, black, and mulattoes." One item of information which he has re- corded respecting the island is very important. He says the prisoner whom he took from thence informed him that there was on Taumaco a man " who had brought from a large country named Pouro, some arrows pointed with a metal as white as silver."* This man was a native of Taumaco and a great pilot. Pouro was described as a large country, very populous, — the inhabitants of a dark color, and warlike. Taumaco, according to the position assigned to it by Quiros, as well as the information obtained by Dillon, lies five or six degrees east of the Solomon Isles, and of course, so much nearer to Samoa. It seems most likely, that the native pilot here mentioned had not been himself to the East Indies, but that he had visited the Solomon Isles, and there obtained the arrows tipped with metal which had been brought * Burney's History of Voyages, vol. ii. p. 308. 196 ETHNOGRAPHY. by traders from Bouro. These places might easily have become con- founded in the mind of the captive, who was not himself a native of Taumaco, but a slave brought thither from another island. On this supposition, the statement that the natives of Pouro (or rather of the place visited by the Taumaco pilot) were of a dark color, would apply to the Solomon Islands. However this may be, the arrows must have been obtained in some way from the East Indies, and they were ascribed by the natives to an island bearing a name very similar to one which exists there. As to the meaning of the terminal syllable tu, in the Polynesian Purotu (if, adopting this hypothesis, we consider it an affix,) we are, of course, left to conjecture. Judging from analogy, as in the cases of Tonga-tabu, Nina-tabu, it may have the force of " sacred" or "divine;" for it must be recollected that the natives of Samoa and Tonga look upon this island not only as the country of their progeni- tors, but also as the residence of their gods. The syllable tu is per- haps that which is found in the Samoan aitu, spirit, and the otua, atua, etua, which, in the different Polynesian dialects, signify divinity. Tuan is the word for "lord" in Malay, and hautu for "spirit" in Malay, Javanese, and Bugis. K'l'll> ()('. UAI'll ll'AI, .MA I' ,,, , „.,, , } -- * *v NORTHWESTERN AMERICA. IN the long and narrow section of this continent included between the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific, and extending from the country of the Esquimaux on the north to the Californian peninsula on the south, there are found, perhaps, a greater number of tribes speaking distinct languages than in any other territory of the same size in the world. Not only do these tribes differ in their idioms, but also in personal appearance, character, and usages. For convenience of description, however, they may be arranged under four classes or divisions, each of which includes a number of tribes resembling one another in certain general traits. 1. The Northwest division. The tribes of this class inhabit the coast between the peninsula of Alaska, in latitude 60°, and Queen Charlotte's Sound, in latitude 52°. This part of the country was not visited by us, and the information obtained concerning it was derived chiefly from individuals of the Hudson's Bay Company. They described the natives as resembling the white race in some of their physical characteristics. They are fair in complexion, sometimes with ruddy cheeks ; and, what is very unusual among the aborigines of America, they have thick beards, which appear early in life. In other respects, their physiognomy is Indian, — a broad face, with wide cheek-bones, the opening of the eye long and narrow, and the fore- head low. From the accounts received concerning them, they would appear to be rather an ingenious people. They obtain copper from the mountains which border the coast, and make of it pipe-bowls, gun- charges, and other similar articles. Of a very fine and hard slate they make cups, plates, pipes, little images, and various ornaments, wrought with surprising elegance and taste. Their clothing, houses, and canoes, display like ingenuity, and are well adapted to their cli- mate and mode of life. On the other hand, they are said to be filthy in their habits, and of a cruel and treacherous disposition. 50 198 ETHNOGRAPHY. 2. The North-Oregon division. All the tribes north of the Colum- bia, except those of the first section, and some of the Wallarvallas, belong to this division, as well as three or four to the south of that river. It includes the Tahkali-Umkrva family (the Carriers, Qua- lioguas, Tlatskanies, and Umguas), the Taihaili-Selish family (Shoush- waps, Flatheads, Chikoilish, Cowelits, and Killamuks), with the Chinooks, the Yakones (or southern Killamuks) and, in part, the Calapuyas. The Nootkas, and other tribes of Vancouver's Island, also belong to it. The people of this division are among the ugliest of their race. They are below the middle size, with squat, clumsy forms, very broad faces, low foreheads, lank black hair, wide mouths, and a coarse rough skin, of a tanned, or dingy copper complexion. This description applies more particularly to the tribes of the coast. Those of the interior (the Carriers, Shoushwaps, and Selish,) are of a better cast, being generally of the middle height, with features of a less exagge- rated harshness. In the coast-tribes, the opening of the eye has very frequently the oblique direction proper to the Mongol physiognomy ; but in the others this peculiarity is less common. The intellectual and moral characteristics of these natives are not more pleasing than the physical. They are of moderate intelligence, coarse and dirty in their habits, indolent, deceitful, and passionate. They are rather superstitious than religious, are greatly addicted to gambling, and grossly libidinous. All these disagreeable qualities are most conspicuous in the tribes near the mouth of the Columbia, and become less marked as we advance into the interior, and towards the north. It is also at the same point (the mouth of the Columbia) that the custom of compressing the head prevails to the greatest extent. The Chinooks are the most distinguished for their attachment to this singular usage, and from them it appears to have spread on every side, to the Chikailish on the north, the Wallawallas and Nez-perces on the east, and the Killamuks and Calapuyas on the south ; the degree of distortion diminishing as we recede from the centre. It is not a little singular that all the tribes of this division (except the Calapuyas, who seem to hold a middle position,) speak languages which, though of distinct families, are all remarkable for the extreme harshness of their pronunciation, while those of the division which follows, are, on the contrary, unusually soft and harmonious. 3. The South- Oregon division. To this belong the Sahaptin family NORTHWESTERN AMERICA. 199 Nez-perces and Wallawallas), the Waiilatpu (Cayuse and Molele), the Shosh6ni (Snakes, Bonnaks, &c.), the Lutuami, the Shasties, the Palaiks, and probably other tribes towards the south and east. They approach, both in appearance and in character, the Indians east of the Rocky Mountains, though still inferior to them in many respects. They are of the middle height, slender, with long faces and bold features, thin lips, wide cheek-bones, smooth skins, and the usual tawny complexion of the American tribes. They are cold, taciturn, high-tempered, warlike, fond of hunting and of all exercises requiring boldness and activity. To one ascending the Columbia, the contrast presented by the natives above and below the Great Falls (the Chi- nooks and Wallawallas) is very striking. No two nations of Europe differ more widely in looks and character than do these neighboring subdivisions of the American race. 4. The Calif ornian division. The natives of this class are chiefly distinguished by their dark color. Those of Northern or Upper Cali- fornia are a shade browner than the Oregon Indians, while some tribes in the peninsula are said to be nearly black. In other respects they have the physiognomy of their race, broad faces, a low forehead, and lank, coarse hair. They are the lowest in intellect of all the North American tribes, approaching to the stupidity of the Austra- lians. They are dull, indolent, phlegmatic, timid, and of a gentle, submissive temper. The experiment, which was successfully tried, of collecting them, like a herd of cattle, into large enclosures called missions, and there setting them to work, would probably never have been undertaken with the Indians of Oregon, — and, if undertaken, would assuredly have failed. GENERAL OBSERVATIONS. The Indians west of the Rocky Mountains seem to be, on the whole, inferior to those east of that chain. In stature, strength, and activity, they are much below them. Their social organization is more imperfect. The two classes of chiefs, those who preside in time of peace, and those who direct the operations of war, — the ceremony of initiation for the young men, — the distinction of clans or totems, — and the various important festivals which exist among the eastern tribes, are unknown to those of Oregon. Their conceptions on reli- gious subjects are of a lower cast. It is doubtful if they have any 200 ETHNOGRAPHY. idea of a supreme being. The word for god was one of those origi- nally selected for the vocabulary, but it was found impossible, with the assistance of the missionaries, and of interpreters well skilled in the principal languages, to obtain a proper synonym for this term in a single dialect of Oregon. Their chief divinity is called the wolf, and seems, from their descriptions, to be a sort of compound being, half beast and half deity. In comparing the various races with which we have come in con- tact, it is impossible not to be struck with a certain similarity of character between the American aborigines in general, but more especially the natives of Oregon, and the Australians, — the latter appearing like an exaggerated and caricatured likeness of the former. The Indian is proud and reserved; the Australian sullen and haughty. The former is, at once, cautious and fierce ; the latter is cowardly and cruel. The one is passionate and prompt to resent an injury ; the other is roused to fury by the slightest imagined insult. The super- stition of the Indian is absurd and irrational ; that of the Australian is stupid and ridiculous. The Indian, who acknowledges a chief, yet renders him such deference only as he thinks proper ; the Australian owns no superior, and has not even a name for such an office. It might be a point of some interest to determine how far this similarity, in many respects, between two races otherwise so distinct, has arisen from a similarity in their position and circumstances. The mode of life of the Oregon Indians, especially those of the interior, is so peculiar that it is difficult to determine how it should be characterized. They have no fixed habitations, and yet they are not, properly speaking, a wandering people. Nearly every month in the year they change their place of residence, — but the same month of every year finds them regularly in the same place. The circum- stances which have given rise to this course of life are the following : 1. The territory of Oregon abounds, beyond example, in esculent roots, of various kinds, which, without cultivation, grow in sufficient quantities to support a considerable population. More than twenty species, most of them palatable, and obtainable, generally, with little labor, are found in different parts of this territory. At cer- tain seasons, the natives subsist almost entirely upon them. As the different species come to maturity at different times, the people remove from one root-ground to another, according to the time when experience has taught them to look for a new crop. NORTHWESTERNAMERICA. 201 •2. Several kinds of fruits and berries are found, at certain seasons, in great abundance, and offer another cause for a temporary change of place. 3. At a particular period of the year, the salmon ascend the river to deposit their spawn, and then the Indians assemble in great numbers on the banks of the streams, for the purpose of taking them. Two months afterwards, the fish appear again, floating in an ex- hausted condition down the current, and though by no means so agreeable for food, are yet taken in large quantities, principally for winter stores. These two seasons of fishing are the occasion of two removals. 4. The tribes of the interior depend, in part, for their clothing, on the buffalo skins which they obtain, either by barter or by hunting. And for both these purposes it is necessary for them to visit the region near the foot of the Rocky Mountains, frequented by that animal. This, however, does not, except with some of the Shoshonees, give rise to a general removal of the tribe, but merely an expedition of the principal men, their families being left, in the mean time, encamped in some place of safety. The tribes near the coast remove less frequently than those of the interior. Some of them spend the summer on the sea-shore, and the winter in a sheltered nook on the banks of an inland stream. Others do not change their place of residence at all ; but at the approach of summer, they take down the heavy planks of which their winter habitations are made, bury them in the ground, where they will be out of the way of injury, and having put up a temporary dwelling of bark, brushwood, and matting, feel no apprehensions at leaving it for two or three weeks at a time, to fish, hunt, collect roots, and gather fruit. To these general descriptions it will be proper to add a more particular account of those tribes, of whose idioms we have been able to obtain vocabularies. We shall take them in the order in which they stand in the Synopsis. 1. THE TAHKALI-UMKWA FAMILY. A. TAHKALI OR CARRIERS. The country of the Tahkali (or Tacullies) includes the region north of the Oregon Territory, termed by the English New Caledonia. It 51 202 ETHNOGRAPHY. extends from latitude 52° 30', where it borders on the country of the Shoushaps, to latitude 56°, including Simpson's River.* On the east are the Rocky Mountains, separating them from the Sicani, and on the west the rugged chain which runs parallel with the coast. The country is well watered with numerous streams and lakes, most of which discharge themselves into Frazer's River. Our information with respect to this people is derived from a gentleman connected with the Hudson's Bay Company, who resided several years among them in charge of a fort; it will be found to agree generally with the account given by Harmon, who occupied the same situation between the years 1809 and 1819. The Tahkali are divided into eleven clans, or minor tribes, whose names are — beginning at the south — as follows : ( 1 ) the Tautin or Talkdtin ; (2) the Tsilkdtin or Chilcotin ; (3) the Naskdtin ; (4) the Thetlidtin ; (5) the Tsatsndtin ; (6) the Nuladutin; (7) the Ntshaau- tin ; (8) the Natliautin ; (9) the Nikozliautin ; (10) the Tatshidutin ; and (11) the Babine Indians. The number of persons in these clans varies from fifty to three hundred. All speak the same language, with some slight dialectical variations. The Sikani (or Secunnie) nation has a language radically the same, but with greater difference of dialect, passing gradually into that of the Beaver and Chippewyan Indians. The Tahkali, though a branch of the great Chippewyan (or Atha- pascan )f stock, have several peculiarities in their customs and cha- racter which distinguish them from other members of this family. In personal appearance they resemble the tribes on the Upper Columbia, though, on the -whole, a better-looking race. They are rather tall, with a tendency to grossness in their features and figures, particularly among the women. They are somewhat lighter in com- plexion than the tribes of the south. Like all Indians who live principally upon fish, and who do not * For the exact limits of the territories occupied by the different tribes, the reader is referred to the accompanying Ethnographical Map, which has been constructed, with much care and labor, from information derived, in most cases, from the natives them- selves, and confirmed by missionaries, hunters, officers of the Hudson's Bay Company, and others who had had good opportunities for acquiring knowledge on this subject. The boundaries are usually determined by the physical conformation of the country, and are well understood among the natives, a circumstance which has enabled us to lay them down, for the most part, with minuteness and precision. f See Mr. Gallatin's " Synopsis of the Indian Tribes," p. 16. NORTHWESTERN AMERICA. OQ3 acquire the habits of activity proper to the hunting tribes, they are excessively indolent and filthy, and, as a natural concomitant, base and depraved in character. They are fond of unctuous substances, and drink immense quantities of oil, which they obtain from fish and wild animals. They also besmear their bodies with grease and colored earths. They like their meat putrid, and often leave it until its stench is, to any but themselves, insupportable. Salmon roes are sometimes buried in the earth and left for two or three months to putrefy, in which state they are esteemed a delicacy. The natives are prone to sensuality, and chastity among the women is unknown. At the same time, they seem to be almost devoid of natural affection. Children are considered by them a burden, and they often use means to destroy them before birth. Their religious ideas are very gross and confused. It is not known that they have any distinct ideas of a god, or of the existence of the soul. They have priests or "doctors," whose art consists in certain mummeries, in- tended for incantations. When a corpse is burned, which is the ordinary mode of disposing of the dead, the priest, with many gesti- culations and contortions, pretends to receive in his closed hands, something, — perhaps the life of the deceased, — which he communi- cates to some living person by throwing his hands towards him, and at the same time blowing upon him. This person then takes the rank of the deceased, and assumes his name in addition to his own. Of course, the priest always understands to whom this succession is properly due. If the deceased had a wife, she is all but burned alive with the corpse, being compelled to lie upon it while the fire is lighted, and remain thus till the heat becomes beyond endurance. In former times, when she attempted to break away, she was pushed back into the flames by the relations of her husband, and thus often severely injured. When the corpse is consumed, she collects the ashes and deposits them in a little basket, which she always carries about with her. At the same time, she becomes the servant and drudge of the relations of her late husband, who exact of her the severest labor, and treat her with every indignity. This lasts for two or three years, at the end of which time a feast is made by all the kindred, and a broad post, fifteen or twenty feet high, is set up, and covered on the sides with rude daubs, representing figures of men and animals of various kinds. On the top is a box in which the ashes of the dead are placed, and allowed to remain until the post decays. After this ceremony, 204 ETHNOGRAPHY. the widow is released from her state of servitude, and allowed to marry again. The Carriers are not a warlike people, though they sometimes have quarrels with their neighbors, particularly the tribes of the coast. But these are usually appeased without much difficulty. The Sikani, though speaking a language of the same family, differ widely from the Tahkali, in their character and customs. They live a wandering life, and subsist by the chase. They are a brave, hardy, and active people, cleanly in their persons and habits, and, in general, agreeing nearly with the usual idea of an American Indian. They bury their dead, and have none of the customs of the Tahkali with respect to them. B. a. TLATSKANAI. b. KWALHIOQUA. These are two small isolated bands, neither of them comprising more than a hundred individuals, who roam in the mountains on each side of the Columbia, near its mouth, the former on the north, and the latter on the south side. They are separated from the river, and from one another, by the Chinooks. They build no permanent habitations, but wander in the woods, subsisting on game, berries, and roots. As might be expected, they are somewhat more bold and hardy than the tribes on the river and coast, and, at the same time, more wild and savage. C. UMKWA, OR UMPQUAS. The Umkrva inhabit the upper part of the river of that name, having the Kalapuya on the north, the Lutuami (Clamets), on the east, and the Sainstkla between them and the sea. They are sup- posed to number, at present, not more than four hundred, having been greatly reduced by disease. They live in houses of boards and mats, and derive their subsistence, in great part, from the river. Two, whom I saw, differed but little from the Kalapuya, except that they had not the head flattened. One of them had reached the Columbia through the Tlatskanai country, and it appeared that a connexion of some kind existed between the two tribes. 2. D. KITUNAHA, OR COUTANIES, OR FLAT-BOWS. This is a small tribe of about four hundred people, who wander in NORTHWESTERN AMERICA. 205 the rugged and mountainous tract enclosed between the two northern forks of the Columbia. The Flat-bow River and Lake also belong to them. They are great hunters, and furnish large quantities of peltry to the Hudson's Bay Company. In former days, they were constantly at war with their neighbors, the Blackfoot tribes, by whose incursions they suffered severely. In appearance, character-, and customs, they resemble more the Indians east of the Rocky Mountains than those of Lower Oregon. 3. TSIHAILI-SELISH FAMILY. E. SHUSHWAPUMSH, OR SHUSHWAPS, OR ATNAHS. The Shushwaps possess the country bordering on the lower part of Frazer's River, and its branches. From the vocabulary given by Mackenzie of the dialect spoken at Friendly Village, on Salmon River, in latitude 50° 30', and about ninety miles from the sea, it appears that the natives of that village belong to this tribe. Beyond them, according to Mackenzie, a different language is spoken, — probably that of the Hailtsa Indians, of whom some mention will be made hereafter. The name of Atnah is given to this people by the Tahkali, in whose language it means stranger or foreigner. The Shushwaps differ so little from their southern neighbors, the Salish, as to render a particular description unnecessary. By a census taken a few years since, the number of men in the tribe was ascertained to be about four hundred. The whole number of souls at present may be rated at twelve hundred. F. SELISH, SALISH, OR FLATHEADS. How the name of Flathead came to be applied to this people cannot well be conjectured, as the distortion to which the word refers is not practised among them. They inhabit the country about the upper part of the Columbia and its tributary streams, the Flathead, Spokan, and Okanagan Rivers. The name includes several independent tribes or bands, of which the most important are the Salish proper, the Kullespelm, the Soayalpi, the Tsakaitsitlin, and the Okinakan. The number of souls is reckoned, in all, at about three thousand. The Salish appear to hold, in many respects, an intermediate place 52 206 ETHNOGRAPHY. between the tribes of the coast, and those to the south and east. In stature and proportion they are superior to the Chinooks and Chikai- lish, but inferior to the Sahaptin. Their features are not so regular nor their skins so clear as those of the latter, while they fall far short of the grossness of the former. In bodily strength they are inferior to the whites. A description of the habits of this tribe will give a good idea of the life of systematic wandering peculiar to the natives of Oregon. They derive their subsistence from roots, fish, berries, game, and a kind of moss or lichen which they find on trees. At the opening-of the year, as soon as the snow disappears, (in March and April), they begin to search for the pokpoh, a bulbous root, shaped somewhat like a small onion, and of a peculiarly dry and spicy taste. This lasts them till May, when it is exchanged for the spatlam, or " bitter root," which is a slender, white root, not unlike vermicelli; when boiled, it dissolves like arrow-root, and forms a jelly of a bitter but not disagreeable flavor. Some time in June, the itwha or camass comes in season, and is found at certain well-known " grounds" in great quantities. In shape it resembles the pohpoh, and when baked for a day or two in the ground, has a consistency and taste not unlike those of a boiled chestnut. It supplies them for two or three months, and while it is most abundant — in June and July — the salmon make their appear- ance, and are taken in great numbers, mostly in weirs. This, with these people, is the season when they are in the best condition, having a plentiful supply of their two prime articles of food. During this period, the men usually remain at the fishing-station, and the women at the camass-ground, but parties are continually passing from one to the other. August, during which the supplies from both these sources commonly fail, is the month for berries, of which they some- times collect enough both for immediate subsistence, and to dry for winter. The service-berry and the choke-cherry are the principal fruits of this kind which they seek. In September, the " exhausted salmon," or those which, having deposited their roes, are now about to perish, are found in considerable numbers, and though greatly reduced both in fatness and flavor, are yet their chief dependence, when dried, for winter consumption. Should they be scarce, a famine would be likely to ensue. At this season, also, they obtain the mesaui, an inferior root, resembling somewhat, in appearance, a parsnip. When baked, it turns perfectly black, and has a peculiar taste, unlike that of any of our common roots. This lasts them NORTHWESTERN AMERICA. 207 through October, after which they must depend principally upon their stores of dried food, and the game (deer, bears, badgers, squir- rels, and wild-fowl of various kinds,) which they may have the good fortune to take. Should both these sources fail, they have recourse to the moss before-mentioned, which, though abundant, contains barely sufficient nutriment to sustain life. Such is their want of forethought and prudence, both in laying up and in consuming their provisions, that there are very few who do not suffer severely from hunger before the opening of spring. Indeed, like their horses, they regularly fatten up in the season of plenty, and grow lean and weak before the expiration of winter. As the different root-grounds and fishing-stations are at some distance from one another, they are obliged to remove from one to the other in succession, carrying with them, on their horses, all their property. This is easily done, as their articles of furniture are few and light, and their houses consist merely of rush-mats and skins, stretched upon poles. In winter they seek out some sheltered spot, which will supply their horses with food, arid they then make their dwellings more comfortable, by covering the mats with earth. The Salish can hardly be said to have any regular form of govern- ment. They live in bands of two or three hundred, chiefly for the sake of mutual support and protection. In former times there was much fighting among these tribes, but they still looked upon one another as portions of the same people. At present, by the influence of the Hudson's Bay Company, these quarrels have been suppressed. Intermarriages between these bands are frequent, and in such cases the husband commonly joins the band to which his wife belongs. This proceeds, perhaps, from the circumstance that the woman does the most for the support of the family, and will be better able to perform her duties (of gathering roots, fruit, &c.,) in those places to which she is accustomed. In fact, although the women are required to do much hard labor, they are by no means treated as slaves, but, on the contrary, have much consideration and authority. The stores of food which they collect are regarded as, in a manner, their own, and a husband will seldom take any of them without asking permis- sion. The men, moreover, have to perform all the arduous -labors of the fishery and the chase. They evince strong domestic feelings, and are very affectionate towards their children and near relatives. Unlike the Sahaptin, and some other tribes, they take particular care of the aged and infirm, 208 ETHNOGRAPHY. who usually fare the best of all. There is, however, one custom among them, which seems to evince an opposite disposition. When a man dies, leaving young children who are not able to defend them- selves, his relations come in and seize upon the most valuable property, and particularly the horses, without regard to the rights of the children. The natives acknowledge the inhumanity of the prac- tice, and only defend it as an ancient custom received from their fathers. In every band there is usually one who, by certain advantages of wealth, valor, and intelligence, acquires a superiority over the rest, and is termed the chief. But his authority is derived rather from his personal influence than from any law, and is exerted more in the way of persuasion than of direct command. But if he is a man of shrewdness and of a determined character, he sometimes enjoys considerable power. The punishment of delinquents is, of course, regulated rather by circumstances than by any fixed code. Notorious criminals are sometimes punished by expulsion from the tribe or band to which they belong. They had formerly, it is thought, a vague idea of a Supreme Being, but they never addressed to him any worship. Their only religious ceremonies were certain mummeries, performed under the direction of the medicine-men, for the purpose of averting any evil with which they might be threatened, or of obtaining some desired object, as an abundant supply of food, victory in war, and the like. One of these ceremonies, called by them Sumash, deserves notice, for the strangeness of the idea on which it is founded. They regard the spirit of a man as distinct from the living principle, and hold that it may be separated for a short time from the body without causing death, or without the individual being conscious of the loss. It is necessary, however, in order to prevent fatal consequences, that the lost spirit should be found and restored as quickly as possible. The conjuror or medicine-man learns, in a dream, the name of the person who has suffered this loss. Generally, there are several at the same time in this condition. He then informs the unhappy individuals, who immediately employ him to recover their wandering souls. During the next night they go about the village, from one lodge to another, singing and dancing. Towards morning they enter a separate lodge, which is closed up, so as to be perfectly dark. A small hole is then made in the roof, through which the conjuror, with a bunch of feathers, brushes in the spirits, in the shape of small bits of bone, and similar substances, which he NORTHWESTERN AMERICA. 209 receives on a piece of matting. A fire is then lighted, and the con- juror proceeds to select out from the spirits such as belong to persons already deceased, of which there are usually several ; and should one of them be assigned by mistake to a living person, he would instantly die. He next selects the particular spirit belonging to each person, and causing all the men to sit down before him, he takes the spirit of one (i. e. the splinter of bone, shell, or wood, representing it), and placing it on the owner's head, pats it, with many contortions and invocations, till it descends into the heart, and resumes its proper place. When all are thus restored, the whole party unite in making a contribution of food, out of which a public feast is given, and the remainder becomes the perquisite of the conjuror. Like the Sahaptin, the Salish have many childish traditions con- nected with the most remarkable natural features of the country, in which the prairie-wolf generally bears a conspicuous part. What could have induced them to confer the honors of divinity upon this animal cannot be imagined. They do not, however, regard the wolf as an object of worship, but merely suppose that in former times it was endowed with preternatural powers, which it exerted after a very whimsical and capricious fashion. Thus, on one occasion, being desirous of a wife (a common circumstance with him), the Wolf, or the divinity so called, visited a tribe on the Spokan River, and demanded a young woman in marriage. His request being granted, he promised that thereafter the salmon should be abundant with them, and he created the rapids, which give them facilities for taking the fish. Proceeding farther up, he made of each tribe on his way the same request, attended with a like result. At length he arrived at the territory of the Skitsuish ( Caeur d'alene) ; they refused to comply with his demand, and he therefore called into existence the great Falls of the Spokan, which prevent the fish from ascending to their country. This is a fair sample of their traditions. G. SKITSUISH, OR CO3UR D'ALENE INDIANS. We saw, at Fort Colville, the chief of this tribe, whose name was Stalaam. He told us that his tribe could raise ninety men, and the whole number of souls in it may therefore be estimated at between three and four hundred. They live about the lake which takes its name from them, and lead a more settled life than the other tribes of this region. As the salmon cannot ascend to their lake, on account of 53 210 ETHNOGRAPHY. the Falls of the Spokan, and as these natives seldom go to hunt the buffalo, their principal subsistence is derived from roots, game, and the smaller kinds of fish. Some of them have lately begun to raise potatoes, and it seems likely that the arts of cultivation will, before long, be common among them. Being out of the usual track of traders and trappers, their character has been less affected by inter- course with the whites, than is the case with the tribes on the great rivers. They speak a dialect of the Salish, and resemble in appear- ance the other natives belonging to this stock. The origin of the appellation by which this tribe is known to the whites deserves to be noticed, as an example of the odd circumstances to which these nicknames are sometimes due. The first who visited the tribe were Canadian traders, one of whom, it appears, was of a close, niggardly temper. The natives soon remarked this, and the chief at length gave his sentiments upon it, Indian fashion, observing that the white man had the " heart of an awl," meaning, a contracted, illiberal disposition — the term awl being used by them as we some- times employ the word pin, to denote a very trifling object. The expression was rendered by the interpreter literally, "un casur d'alene," and greatly amused the trader's companions, who thence- forth spoke of the chief who used it, as " the caeur d'alene chief," a soubriquet which came in time to be applied to the whole tribe. It was, perhaps, by some similar " lucus a non lucendo" process, that the very inapplicable names of Tetes-plattes and Nez-perc&s chanced to be given to the Salish and Sahaptin, of whom the first never flatten the head, and the latter rarely, if ever, have the nose perforated. H. PISKWAUS OR PISCOUS. This name properly belongs to the tribe who live on the small river which falls into the Columbia on the west side, about forty miles below Fort Okanagan. But it is here extended to all the tribes as far down as the " Priest's Rapids," who speak the same dialect with the first-named. This whole region is very poor in roots and game, and the natives who wander over it are looked upon by the other Indians as a miserable, beggarly people. They have, besides, the reputation of being great thieves, which our experience went to confirm. It would appear, from the following list of their months, obtained from the chief of one of their bands, that their habits are much the NORTHWESTERN AMERICA. 211 same with those of their neighbors, the Salish, — for the names of many of the months have reference to some of their most important usages. The name of the chief was Sdkatatl-ktiusam, or the Half- Sun (commonly called Le grand jeune homme), and that of his clan the Sinakaidusish, who live on the eastern bank of the Columbia, opposite the Piskwaus. The chief from whom the Salish names were obtained was called Silim-htvitl-miMkalok, or the Master-Raven, but he is better known to the whites by the appellation of Cornelius. His tribe is the Tsakaitsitttn, on the lower part of the Spokan River. It will be observed that one of the chiefs made only twelve names, while the other reckoned thirteen. Both had some difficulty in call- ing to mind all the names. In several, the Piskwaus chief is one moon ahead of the other, which may arise from mistake, or possibly from some slight difference of seasons at the two places. PISKWAUS. SELISH. Sqwusus, . . Siistikwu, - , . . . December and January. Skiniramun, . Sqwusits, cold, . . . January and February. Skvputskiltin, , Skiniramun, a certain herb, . February, &c. Skdsulku, . Skaputrv, snow gone, . . March. Katsosumtun, . Spatlum, bitter-root, . . . April. Stsdok, . . Stagamdwus, going to root-ground, May. Kupukdlu'xtin, . It)(wa, camass-root, . . . June. Silump, . . Sadntxlkwu, hot, . . . July. Tgep6 mtum, . Sildmp, gathering berries, . . August. Panpdt-xlvxen, . Skilues, " exhausted salmon," . September. Skadi, . . Skadi, dry, .... October. Kinui-itylvten, house-building. Siistikwv, . Ke$mdkwaln, snow, . . . November and December. I. SKWALE OR NISQTTALLY. J. TSIHAILISH OR CHIKAILISH. K. KAWELITSK OR COWELITS. L. NSIETSHAWUS OR KILLAMUKS. Of these four tribes, belonging to the family which we have termed Tsihaili-Selish, the first inhabits the shores of Puget's Sound, the second the middle of the peninsula which lies west of this sound and north of the Columbia, the third is settled on the banks of a small stream known as the Cowelits, which falls into the Columbia south of Puget's Sound, and the fourth is apart from the others, on the sea- coast, south of the Columbia. They differ considerably in dialect, but little in appearance and habits, in which they resemble the Chinooks and other neighboring tribes. Their estimated numbers 212 ETHNOGRAPHY. are (or rather were in 1840) for the Skwale, 600, the Tsihailish, 2000, the Kawelitsk, 300, and the Nsietshawus, 700. Among the Tsihai- lish are included the Kwaiantl and the Kwenaiwitl (corrupted by the whites to Queen Hythe), who live near the coast, thirty or forty miles south of Cape Flattery, and who have each a peculiar dialect. 4. S A II A P T I N. M. SAHAPTIN OR NEZ-PERCES. The Sahaptin* possess the country on each side of Lewis or Snake River, from the Peloose to the Wapticacoes, — about a hundred miles, — together with the tributary streams, extending, on the east, to the foot of the Rocky Mountains. They are supposed, by the mission- aries, to number about two thousand souls. In character and appear- ance, they resemble more the Indians of the Missouri than their neighbors the Salish. They have many horses, and are good hunters, being accustomed to make long excursions, in summer, to the Rocky Mountains, for the purpose of killing buffalo. They formerly had bloody wars with the Shoshonees, Crows, Blackfoot Indians, and other tribes, whose hunting-grounds were in the same region ; but of late these quarrels have become less frequent. The Sahaptin are the tribe who, several years ago, despatched a deputation to the United States, to request that teachers might be sent to instruct them in the arts and religion of the whites. Their good dispositions have been much eulogized by travellers, and there seems to be no reason to doubt that they are superior to the other tribes of this territory, in intellect and in moral qualities. There are, however, certain traits in their character, that have hitherto neutral- ized, in a great measure, the zealous and well-directed efforts which have been made for their improvement. The first of these is a feeling of personal independence, amounting to lawlessness, which springs naturally from their habits of life, and which renders it almost impos- sible to reconcile them to any regular discipline or system of labor, even though they are perfectly convinced that it would be for their advantage. Another trait of a similar kind, originating probably in the same cause, is a certain fickleness of temper, which makes * There is some doubt concerning the proper orthography, as well as the meaning, of this term, which was received from an interpreter. The missionaries always spoke of the tribe by the common name of Nez-perces. NORTHWESTERN AMERICA. 213 them liable to change their opinions and policy with every passing impulse. These defects, though not inconsistent with many good qualities, are yet exactly of the kind most difficult to overcome. Until the Indians can be brought to reside in fixed habitations, it is evident that there will be little opportunity for any permanent improvement. And this can never take place until some other mode shall be adopted by them for procuring their clothing, than that to which they have been heretofore accustomed, namely, the chase, and particularly that of the buffalo. Cultivation, though it may supply them with food, t»nly solves half the difficulty. It will be necessary, if they are to depend on their own resources, that they should be taught to raise sheep, and manufacture the wool ; but to do this will require a steadiness of application altogether alien to their natural disposition. N. WALAWALA. WALLAWALLAS, PELOOSES, YAKEMAS, KLIKATATS, ETC. The territory bordering on the Columbia for some distance above and below the junction of Lewis River, is in the possession of several independent bands of Indians, who all speak one language, though with some difference of dialect. The Wallawallas, properly so called, are on a small stream which falls into the Columbia near Fort Nez-perces. The Yakemas (laAkema) are on a large stream nearly opposite. The Peloose tribe has a stream called after it, which empties into Lewis River ; and the Klikatats ( Tytlukatat) wander in the wooded country about Mount St. Helens. These, with other minor bands, are supposed, by the missionaries, to number in all, twenty-two hundred souls. They resemble the Sahaptin, to whom they are allied by language, but are of a less hardy and active temperament. This proceeds, no doubt, from their mode of life, which is very similar to that of the Salish. Their principal food is the salmon, which they take chiefly in the months of August and September. At this season they assemble in great numbers about the Falls of the Columbia, which form the most important fishing station of Oregon. At this time, also, they trade with the Chinooks, who visit the Falls for the same purpose. The Sahaptin and Wallawallas compress the head, but not so much as the tribes near the coast. It merely serves with them to 54 214 ETHNOGRAPHY. make the forehead more retreating, which, with the aquiline nose common to these natives, gives to them, occasionally, a physiognomy similar to that represented in the hieroglyphical paintings of Central America. 5. W A I I L A T P U. O. CAILLOUX, OR CAY USE. The Waiilatpu inhabit the country south of the Sahaptin and Wallawalla. Their head-quarters are on the upper part of the Walla- walla River, where they live in close connexion with a band of Nez- perces, whose language they usually speak in preference to their own, which has nearly fallen into disuse. They are a small tribe, not numbering five hundred souls, but they are nevertheless looked upon with respect by the tribes around them, as being good warriors, and, what is more, as having much wealth. As their country affords extensive pasturage, they are able to keep large droves of horses, one of their chiefs having as many as two thousand. They are much of the time on horseback, and make long excursions to the east and south. In former times, they waged war with the Shoshonees and Lutuamis, but of late years these hostilities have been suspended. p. MOLELE. The residence of the Molele is (or was) in the broken and wooded country about Mounts Hood and Vancouver. They were never very numerous, and have suffered much of late from various diseases, par- ticularly the ague-fever. In 1841 they numbered but twenty indi- viduals ; several deaths took place while we were in the country, and the tribe is probably, at present, nearly or quite extinct. 6. T S H I N U K. Q. WATLALA, OR UPPER CHINOOK. This name (Watylala) properly belongs to the Indians at the Cascades, about one hundred and fifty miles from the mouth of the Columbia ; but for want of a general appellation, it has been extended to all the tribes speaking dialects of a common language, from Mul- tnoma Island, to the Falls of the Columbia, including also those on the lower part of the Willammet. At the period of the visit of Lewis NORTHWESTERN AMERICA. 215 and Clark, this was the most densely populated part of the whole Columbian region, and it so continued until the fatal year 1823, when the ague-fever, before unknown west of the Rocky Mountains, broke out, and carried off four-fifths of the population in a single summer. Whole villages were swept away, leaving not a single inhabitant. The living could not bury the dead, and the traders were obliged to undertake this office, to prevent a new pestilence from completing the desolation of the country. The region below the Cascades, which is as far as the influence of the tide is felt, suffered most from this scourge. The population, which before was estimated at upwards of ten thousand, does not now exceed five hundred. Be- tween the Cascades and the Dalles, the sickness was less destructive. There still remain five or six villages, with a population of seven or eight hundred. They were formerly considered by the whites as among the worst of the Oregon Indians, and were known as a quarrelsome, thievish, and treacherous people. Their situation, on the line of communica- tion between the interior and the coast, gave them great facilities for trafficking with the natives of each for the productions peculiar to the other, and pretty much on their own terms. Hence it happened that they superadded to the turbulence and ferocity natural to their race, the cupidity and trickiness of a nation of traders. They levied tribute, by force or fraud, on all who passed through their country, and tra- vellers were generally glad to be quit of them for a few thefts. The great reduction of their numbers by the epidemic has somewhat tamed their evil propensities, and the labors of the missionaries have not been without a good effect. R. LOWER CHINOOK. Twenty years ago there were, below the Multnoma Island, some five or six thousand people, speaking the same, or nearly the same language. The principal tribes or bands were the Wakaikam (known as the Wahkyekum), the Katldmat (Cathlamet), the Tshinuk (Chi- nook), and the Tlatsap (Clatsop). They are now reduced to a tenth of their former numbers, and the remnant will probably soon dis- appear. This people may be considered the type of what we have called the North-Oregon division, being that in which all the peculiarities of this class are most conspicuous. Many of the characteristics of the •216 ETHNOGRAPHY. Mongol race appear in their forms and features. They are short and square-framed, with broad faces, flat noses, and eyes turned obliquely upward at the outer corner. The resemblance is accidentally height- ened by the conical cap which they wear, similar to that of the Chi- nese, and which they have probably adopted as a defence against the heavy and frequent rains. It is among this people, also, that the compression of the skull is carried to the greatest extent. The child, soon after birth, is laid upon an oblong piece of wood, sometimes a little hollowed like a trough, which serves for a cradle. A small pad or cushion, stuffed with moss, is then placed upon its forehead, arid fastened tightly, at each side, to the board, so that the infant is unable to move its head. In this way, partly by actual compression, and partly by preventing the growth of the skull except towards the sides, the desired deformity is produced. A profile which presents a straight line from the crown of the head to the top of the nose is considered by them the acme of beauty. The appearance of the child when just released from this confinement is truly hideous. The transverse diameter of the head above the ears, is then nearly twice as great as the longitudinal, from the forehead to the occiput. The eyes, which are naturally deep-set, become protruding, and appear as if squeezed partially out of the head. In after years the skull, as it increases, returns, in some degree, to its natural shape, and the deformity, though always sufficiently remarkable, is less shocking than at first. The children of slaves are not considered of sufficient importance to undergo this operation, and their heads, therefore, retain their natural form. If the alteration of shape produced any important effect on the intellectual or moral characteristics of the people, it would be perceptible in the difference between the slaves and the freemen, — which is found, however, to be very slight, and only such as would naturally arise from the distinc- tion of classes. The slaves, who are mostly descendants of prisoners taken in war, are of a tamer and less quarrelsome disposition than their masters, whose natural pride and arrogance is increased by the habit of domineering over them. The Chinooks are less ingenious than the natives of the Northwest Coast, but are far superior to those of California. They make houses of wide and thick planks, which they chip with much labor from the large pines with which their country abounds. A single trunk makes one, or, at the most, two planks. The houses are of an oblong shape, with two rows of bunks or sleeping-places on each side, one above NORTHWESTERN AMERICA. 217 the other, like berths in a ship. Their canoes, which are made of hollowed trees, are sometimes of great size. They are of elegant shape, long, narrow, and sharp, and are light enough to live in a rough sea, where a boat would be swamped; but they require con- stant watchfulness, to guard against their upsetting. The habits of the Chinooks, like those of the northern coast-tribes, show a people accustomed to derive their subsistence from the sea, and averse to wandering upon land. They differ widely, in this respect, from the Californians, who subsist upon acorns and the seeds of plants, build temporary huts of brushwood and straw, and are constantly on the move from place to place. 7. KALAPUYA. The Kalapuya (or Callapooyahs) possess the valley of the Willam- met* above the Falls, — the most fertile district of Oregon. It is included between the two ridges, known as the coast range and the California Chain, and is watered by numerous tributaries of the main stream. The natives were formerly numerous, but have been reduced by sickness to about five hundred. This rapid diminution will render nugatory the efforts of the American missionaries to improve their condition, in which, from the habits and character of the natives, there would otherwise have been some reason to hope for success. The Kalapuya, like the Umkwa, hold a position intermediate between the wild wandering tribes of the interior, and the debased, filthy, and quarrelsome natives of the coast. They are more regular and quiet than the former, and more cleanly, honest, and moral, than the latter. They shift their quarters at certain seasons for the purpose of pro- curing food ; but could their wants be otherwise supplied, they might easily be induced, as some of them have already been, to adopt a fixed residence. The progress of disease, however, and the influx of foreign population will soon supersede the necessity of any further labors for their benefit. * As this word has been written and pronounced by foreigners in various ways, it may be well to note that the true orthography, according to the native pronunciation, would be Wulamt, in two syllables, with the accent on the last. 55 218 ETHNOGRAPHY. 8. T. IAKON, OR YAKONES, OR SOUTHERN KILLAMUKS. A small tribe, numbering six or seven hundred, who live on the coast, south of the Usietshawus, from whom they differ merely in language. 9. T. LUTUAMI, OR TLAMATL, OR CLAMET INDIANS. The first of these names is the proper designation of the people in their own language. The second is that by which they are known to the Chinooks, and through them, to the whites. They live on the head waters of the river and about the lake, which have both received from foreigners the name of Clamet. They are a warlike tribe, and frequently attack the trading-parties which pass through their country, on the way to California. They seem to be engaged in constant hostilities with their neighbors, the Shasties and Palaiks, one object of which is to obtain slaves, whom they sell to the Waiilatpu, and the Indians of the Willammet. 10. V. S A S T E, OR S H A S T Y. 11. W. PALAIHNIH, OR PALAIKS. These two tribes live, the former to the southwest, and the latter to the southeast, of the Lutuami. Little is known of them, except that they lead a wandering, savage life, and subsist on game and fruit. They are dreaded by the traders, who expect to be attacked in passing through their country. Their numbers, however, as well as those of the Lutuami, have been of late greatly diminished by disease, and all three tribes together are supposed not to comprise more than twelve hundred individuals. The women of the Saste, and perhaps of the other tribes, are tattooed in lines from the mouth to the chin. In Northern California the same fashion exists, among 7 O the tribes of the interior. 12. SHOSHONEES, OR SNAKE INDIANS. X. SHOSHONI. Y. WIHINASHT. By the accounts which we received, this is a very widely extended people. The Slioshdni and Pdnasht (Bonnaks) of the Columbia, the NORTHWESTERN AMERICA. 219 Yutas and Sampiches beyond the Salt Lake, the Comanches of Texas, and some other tribes along the northern frontier of Mexico, are said to speak dialects of a common language. It will be seen, also, that the vocabulary of the idiom spoken by the Netela Indians on the coast of California, in latitude 34°, shows evident traces of connexion with the Shosh6ni. The country of the Shoshonees proper is south of Lewis or Snake River, and east of the Salt Lake. There is, however, one detached band, known as the Wihinasht, or Western Snakes, near Fort Boirie, separated from the main body by the tribe of Bonnaks. The Sho- shonees are generally at war with the Satsikaa, or Blackfoot Indians, and the Upsaroka, or Crows. The usual war-ground of the three nations, is the country around the head waters of the Snake, Green, and Platte Rivers. Some of the Shoshonees have horses and fire- arms, and derive their subsistence from the chase and from fish. Others, to the north, have no horses, are armed only with bows, and live on acorns and roots; these the hunters call Diggers, and consider the most miserable of the Indians. 13. Z. SATSIKAA, OR BLACKFOOT INDIANS. This is a well-known confederacy of five tribes, occupying an extensive territory in and near the Rocky Mountains, between the head-waters of the Missouri, the Saskatchawan, and the Columbia. The names of the tribes are (1) the Satsikda (Sutsikda), or Blackfeet proper; (2) the Kena (in the singular Kenekun), or Blood Indians; (3) the Piekdn (Piekun), or Pagan Indians; (4) the Atsina, or Fall Indians, sometimes called Gros Venires of the Prairie; and (5) the Sarsi (Sursi), or Sussees. The name of the confederacy, as given to me, was Siksktkuanak, but it is doubtful whether this word is not derived from the Cree or Knisteneau language. Of the five tribes, the first three speak one idiom ; the fourth have a language of their own, of which we possess no vocabulary (except the very scanty one given by Umfreville), and the fifth speak a dialect of the Chippe- wyan (Athapascan), allied to the Tahkali. The union of the tribes is a matter of late date, within the memory of persons now living. The Atsina are the same with the Arrapahaes, and formerly lived in the plains, but have been driven into the mountains by their enemies, and forced to ally themselves to the Blackfeet. They must not be 220 ETHNOGRAPHY. confounded with the " Gros Ventres of the Missouri," — properly Minetari, who speak the Crow language. A few years since, the number and warlike spirit of the Blackfoot tribes made them the terror of all the western Indians, on both sides of the mountains. They were reckoned at not less than thirty thou- sand souls, and it was not uncommon to hear of thirty or forty war- parties out at once, against the Flathead (Salish), the Upsarokas (or Crows), the Shoshonees, and the northern Crees. But in the year 1836, the small-pox carried off two-thirds of their whole number, and at present they count not more than fifteen hundred tents, or about ten thousand people. Their enemies are now recovering their spirit, and retaliating upon the weakened tribes the ravages which they formerly committed. NORTHERN TRIBES. N O O T K A. A vocabulary is given of the language spoken at Newittee, a port much frequented by fur-traders, at the northern extremity of Van- couver's Island. It proves to be closely allied to the language of Nootka, of which we have about a hundred words given in Jewitt's narrative of his captivity among that people. Nootka is about a* hundred miles southeast of Newittee. By Jewitt's account, it appears that the same language is spoken to the southwest, through the whole length of the island, and also by " the Kla-iz-zarts, a numerous and powerful tribe, living nearly three hundred miles to the south." These are probably the Classets, who reside on the south side of the Straits of Fuca, near Cape Flattery. All that we could learn of them, and of their eastern neighbors, the Clattems (Tpdalam) was that they spoke a language different from those of the Chickailish and Nisqually tribes. We might, perhaps, on this evidence, add to the synopsis and map the Nootka Family, comprising the tribes of Vancouver's Island, and those along the south side of Fuca's Strait. SUKWAMES, SUNAHUMES, HAILTS ETC. A Canadian trapper, who had travelled by land from Fort Nisqually to the mouth of Frazer's River, gave me the names of the tribes that he encountered on his way. They were, — proceeding from the south, NORTHWESTERNAMERICA. 221 — the Sukrvames, Sunahumes, Tshikatstat, Puiak, and the Karvltshin, which last are upon Frazer's River. He said that there appeared to be a great diversity of dialect among them, a statement which was afterwards confirmed from other sources. But of their affinities with one another, and with the surrounding tribes, we could obtain no information. From this point, nothing is known of the tribes on the coast, until we arrive at Milbank Sound, in latitude 52°. A brief vocabulary of the language spoken by the Hailtsa Indians in this sound is given, as furnished by a gentleman connected with the Hudson's Bay Company. This is probably the tribe which Mac- kenzie met after leaving Friendly Village, on Salmon River, at which point he remarked that a different langviage commenced. I SOUTHERN TRIBES. The statements which were received from Indians and trappers concerning the tribes south of the Jakon and Umkwa were, in general, consistent as regarded their names and positions, but differed much with respect to the number and affinity of their languages. Imme- diately south of the Jakon are the Saiustkla, upon a small stream which falls into the sea just south of the Umqua River. Next to these are the Kilirv&tshat, at the mouth of the Urnqua, and higher up, on the same river, the TsaMl. South of the Kiliwatshat are the Kdus or Krvokrvoos, on a small river called by their name, between the Umqua and the Clamet. On the lower part of the Clamet River are the Totutune, known by the unfavorable soubriquet of the Rogue or Rascal Indians. Beyond these, the population is very scanty, until we arrive at the valley of the Sacramento, all the tribes of which are included by the traders under the general name of Kinkld, which is probably, like Tldmatl, a term of Chinook origin. According to one account, the Saiustkla, Kiliwatshat, Tsalel, and Kaus, speak one language ; according to another, two ; and a third informant gave to each tribe a peculiar idiom. This will serve, as one instance out of many, to show the impossibility of arriving at any certainty concern- ing the affinities of different tribes, without an actual comparison of vocabularies. The next point at which we have any distinct information about the natives is on the plains of the Sacramento, about two hundred and fifty miles from the mouth of that river, where it was first seen by the exploring party from the squadron, on their way from the Co- 56 222 ETHNOGRAPHY. lumbia to San Francisco. This was about sixty miles south of the Shasty country. Mr. Dana, to whom I owe the vocabulary which is given of this language, observes, in his note to me : " The natives seen on reaching the Sacramento plains, resemble the Shasty Indians in their regular features. They have thick black hair descending low on the forehead, and hanging down to the shoulders. The faces of the men were colored with black and red paint, fancifully laid on in triangles and zigzag lines. The women were tattooed below the mouth. They were a mirthful race, always disposed to jest and laugh. They appeared to have had but little intercourse with fo- reigners. Their only arms were bows and arrows, — and in trading they preferred mere trinkets, such as beads and buttons, to the blan- kets, knives, and similar articles which were in request among the northern Indians." Still farther south, about one hundred miles above the mouth of the Sacramento, Mr. Dana obtained vocabularies of the dialects of four tribes, — the Puzhune, Sekamne, Tsamak, and Talatui. He says of them : — " These Indians have the usual broad face and flattened nose of the coast tribes. The mouth is very large, and the nose broad and depressed. They are filthy in their habits and stupid in look, like the Chinooks. Throughout the Sacramento plains the Indians live mostly on a kind of bread or cake made of acorns. The acorns, after the shell is removed, are spread out and dried in the sun, then pounded with a stone pestle to a fine powder, and afterwards kneaded . into a loaf about two inches thick, and baked. It has a black color, and a consistency like that of cheese, but a little softer; the taste, though not very pleasing, is not positively disagreeable." Five vocabularies are given of idioms spoken by the natives of California, who were formerly under the control of the Spanish mis- sions. The first of these was taken at San Rafael, on the north side of the bay of San Francisco, in about latitude 38° 10'. The second is of La Soledad, near the coast, in latitude 36°. The third of San Miguel, about fifty miles to the southeast of the last-mentioned. The fourth of San Gabriel (the Kij), in latitude 34°; and the fifth of San Juan Capestrano, (the Netela,) twenty miles further down the coast. The " missions" are large square enclosures, surrounded by high walls of adobes or unburnt bricks. Around the inside are cells, which served as dormitories to the natives. The latter were collected at first, partly by persuasion and partly by force, into these missions, and employed there in agriculture and various simple arts, in which NORTHWESTERN AMERICA. 223 they were instructed by the priests, and the artisans who were at- tached to the establishments. There was also, to each mission, a guard of soldiers, who had the double duty of protecting the inmates from the attacks of hostile Indians, and preventing the converts from escaping. When the debased character, limited intelligence, and wandering habits of the Californian aborigines are considered, it would certainly seem that this plan, of confinement under constant superintendence, was the only one which could have been adopted for their improvement, with any chance of success. It nevertheless failed. The natives did, indeed, acquire some knowledge of civilized arts, and even of letters, but the great change in their habits, and the mode of life so alien to their natural disposition, had a fatal effect upon their constitutions. Many more died than were born, and it was necessary frequently to recruit their numbers by fresh captures, or by purchasing slaves of the tribes in the interior. Within the last ten years, most of the missions have been broken up, partly in conse- quence of the political changes which have taken place in the country. Of the inmates, some fled and rejoined their savage brethren, but the greater number linger about the towns, subsisting on charity, or by laboring for the Mexican settlers. These five languages are only a few of those which are spoken in Upper California. It is a remarkable fact that while the interior of the country west of the Rocky Mountains is occupied by a few ex- tensive families (Tahkali, Selish, Sahaptin, and Shoshoni), the whole coast, from the neighborhood of Behring's Strait to Cape St. Lucas, is lined with a multitude of small tribes, speaking distinct idioms. A few of these, as the Tsihailish, Kwalhioqua, and Nsietshawas are allied to the families of the interior, but the greater number are en- tirely unconnected, both with these, and with one another. In general it has been remarked that where popular report has represented a barbarous population as speaking a multitude of dissi- milar languages, subsequent researches have greatly diminished their number. Instances of this might be noted particularly in Australia and in the territory east of the Rocky Mountains. In Oregon, how- ever, the contrary has occurred, and the variety of idioms has been found to be much greater than was anticipated. Probably, as has been before remarked, no other part of the world offers an example of so many tribes, with distinct languages, crowded together within a space so limited. If we might suppose that the hordes, which, at different periods, 224 ETHNOGRAPHY. overran the Mexican plateau, had made their way through this terri- tory, we might conclude that the numerous small tribes there found were the scattered remnants of these wandering nations, left along their line of march, as they advanced from the frozen regions of the north into the southern plains. This conjecture acquires some weight from two facts, which, though of a dissimilar character, both bear upon this point. The first is, that such a progress is now going on, particularly in the interior plains, where, according to the testimony of the most respectable traders and hunters, all the tribes are slowly proceeding towards the south. The Shoshonees formerly inhabited the country of the Blackfeet, and there are old men among the former who are better acquainted with the defiles and secret passes of that country than the Blackfeet themselves. At the same period, the territory east of the Salt Lake, now occupied by the Shoshonees, was in the possession of the Bonnacks, who have been thrust by them partially into the southwestern desert. The Shyennes, the Kaiawas, and the Comanches, were mentioned as another instance of the same kind. This movement is easily explained as resulting from the superior energy and prowess of the northern tribes, together with the general desire of attaining a more fertile country and genial climate. The other circumstance alluded to is the singular manner in which tribes speaking allied languages, are dispersed over this territory, in a direction from north to south. Taking, for example, the Selish family, we have the Shoushwaps on Frazer's River, and at Friendly Village, in latitude 53° 30' ; the Flatheads and Pisquous on the Upper Colum- bia ; the Nisqually about Puget's Sound ; the Cowelits and Chikailish beyond these ; and a single tribe, the Nsietshawas or Killamuks, quite separate from the rest, south of the Columbia, below 45°. A yet more striking instance is found in what we have termed the Tahkali-Umqua family. The Tahkali, or Carriers, are closely allied to the Chippe- wyans,* who are spread over the whole northern portion of the American continent, from Hudson's Bay to the vicinity of Behring's Strait. On comparing together the vocabularies of the Oregon tribes, * These must not be confounded with the Chippeways, or Ojibwaig, who belong to a different stock. Mr. Gallatin, in his great work, the " Synopsis of the Indian Tribes," has assigned to the Chippewyans and Carriers the general name of Athapascas, derived from the original designation of a lake and district in the central part of the country which they occupy. The Tahkali-Umqua must therefore be regarded as a subdivision of the Athapascan family. NORTHWESTERN AMERICA. 225 it became apparent that the languages spoken by the Kwalhioqua, a small band who live in the wooded country north of the Columbia, the Tlatskanai, a similar tribe south of that river, and the Umquas, in latitude 43° N., must all be referred to the same widely-extended family. The hypothesis which is offered in explanation of these facts, must, of course, be considered as a mere speculation, until it shall be con- firmed by the discovery of a resemblance between the languages of Oregon (or some one of them) and those of Mexico. The latter are known to be numerous, and about twenty have been reduced to writing by the Catholic missionaries. Of the grammars and dic- tionaries which they have composed, several have been printed, but the greater number are still in manuscript. Many of the latter are preserved in Europe, either in public libraries, or in private collec- tions. Our own materials for comparison are limited to a few pub- lished works, in six of the principal idioms, between which and the languages of Oregon, no similarity is apparent. This result, however, need not discourage any one from pursuing the investigation with regard to the remaining tongues, especially those spoken in the north of Mexico. It is to be hoped that future inquirers, with better oppor- tunities, and more extensive materials, may be able to arrive at some definite conclusion on this point, which must be considered as one of the most interesting questions connected with the history of the aboriginal races on this continent. 57 PHILOLOGY. PHILOLOGY, POLYNESIAN GEAMMAE. A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR OF THE POLYNESIAN DIALECTS. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. IT has seemed advisable, for several reasons, to throw the mate- rials which have been collected for the purpose of elucidating the structure of the Polynesian dialects into the form of a Comparative Grammar. By this mode, the various idioms are brought together in such a way that the points of resemblance and of distinction among them all are perceived at once. The changes, also, which the general language undergoes, in passing from one group to another, are thus made apparent, and the principles which govern these changes, being once discerned, will prove, it is believed, of no little importance to the science of philology. It happens, moreover, in many cases, that what is doubtful and obscure in one dialect, is elucidated by a com- parison with others, — the mere juxtaposition being often sufficient for this purpose. Finally, by this form, as the repetition of the same rules and explanations for different dialects is avoided, the whole is brought into a much smaller space than would otherwise be possible, with greater convenience of reference, and no loss of clearness. The materials which have been used in drawing up the Grammar and Lexicon consist (in addition to the collections which our oppor- tunities enabled us to make) of the translations made by the mission- aries in seven of the principal dialects, namely, the Samoan, Tongan, 58 230 PHILOLOGY. New Zealand, Rarotongan, Mangarevan, Tahitian, and Hawaiian — of manuscript grammars and vocabularies, furnished to us also by the missionaries in some of the islands — and of printed works of the same kind, relating to four of the dialects. Of the MSS., the most impor- tant are a brief grammar of the Samoan by Mr. Heath, missionary at the Navigator Islands, and a vocabulary of the language from Mr. Mills, of the same group ; — the first part of a grammar of the Tongan (as far as the pronouns) from Mr. Rabone of Tongatabu, a vocabulary of the Nukuhivan from Mr. Armstrong of Honolulu,* and one of the Mangarevan dialect from M. Maigret, formerly missionary at the Gambier Islands, and now resident at Oahu. Of printed works, the only ones which have been of much service are the Grammar of the Tahitian, published in 1823, by the missionaries at the Society Group, the invaluable Hawaiian vocabulary of Mr. Lorrin Andrews, and the notes on the peculiarities of this language, by the same gentleman, in the Hawaiian Spectator, for October, 1838. These publications, however, have been rather consulted than copied, the rules and examples given in the following pages having been drawn almost entirely either from manuscript notes, or from the translations. Mar- tin's Vocabulary of the Tongan, and Lee's of the New Zealand dialect have been used in preparing the Lexicon. All that is given concerning the languages of Fakaafo and the Paumotu Group rests on the authority of the writer, as likewise the remarks upon the pronun- ciation of the various dialects. A familiarity with the general struc- ture of the Polynesian speech, and with the minuter peculiarities of some of the dialects, which was acquired during three years spent among the islands, and devoted chiefly to this study, has much facilitated the work of compiling the Grammar, and may, perhaps, be considered as, in some degree, a guaranty for its general correctness. * In the first draft of the Grammar, this vocabulary, with one obtained at Tahiti, from a native of Tahuata, and the article, by the Rev. William P. Alexander, in the Hawaiian Spectator for January, 1838, entitled the " Marquesian and Hawaiian Dialects Com- pared," furnished all the information which we possessed relative to the Nukuhivan dialect. More ample materials for giving a complete account of that idiom have since been obtained in the MSS. of Mr. Crook, referred to on page 136 of this volume, and in the " Lettres sur les lies Marquises, par le P. Mathias G * * *" (Gracia ?), published at Paris, in 1843. GRAMMAR OF THE POLYNESIAN DIALECTS. ORTHOGRAPHY. § 1. The elementary sounds proper to the Polynesian languages are fifteen in number, namely, the vowels a, e, i, o, u, and ten conso- nants,/", k, I, m, n, ~g, p, s, t, v. The only dialect, so far as is known, in which all these letters are found is that spoken in the two groups of Fakaafo and Vaitupu. In the other dialects, some of these letters are dropped entirely, and others changed. In Samoan, the k is dropped, its place being merely indicated by a hiatus or catching of the breath, as alffi for aliki, 'a'ano for kakano. In Tongan, the k is retained, but the s is changed to h, as hahake for sasake, aho for aso. The t in this dialect, where it precedes i, has a sound not unlike the English ch, or like ti in Christian ; the missionaries have represented this sound by a j, as jino for tino (pron. chind). The New Zealand dialect changes the s to h, the I to r, the v to w, and the/, before a and e to w, before o and u to h, and before i commonly to u>, but sometimes to h ; as heke for seke, waka for vaka, ware for fale, vetu for fetu, hoe for foe, huri for fuli, witi torfiti, and hia for fia. If two fs occur in the same word, preceding an a or an e, the first/is usually changed to w, and the second to h ; as waha for fafa, wehe for fefe. The dialects of Rarotonga and Mangareva lose both the/and the * entirely, and have r instead of I ; as are for fale, ae for sae. The Paumotuan has the same elements as the New Zealand, except that the/ is some- times heard in place of the w. Many of its words assume peculiar forms unlike those of any other dialect ; as mateu for matou, mauya for maua. The k is sometimes intro- duced in words where it does not properly belong, as reko for reo, voice ; kakuenei for akuenei, soon. The Tahitian dispenses with both k and y ; the * is changed to h ; the / before a and 232 PHILOLOGY. e is commonly, though not always, retained ; before i, o, and «, it is replaced by h ; the r also is used instead of I ; as ari'i for aliki, rai for laigi,fcHa or ha? a for faka, hou for fan. In Hawaiian, f and s are changed to h, ~g becomes n, w is used for v (though the sound is properly intermediate between the two), and the k is dropped, as in Samoan and Tahitian ; as hale for/ale, lani for lapi, wa'a for vaka. The Nukuhivan varies in different islands, and even in different districts of the same island. In Tahuata and the other southern islands, the f is retained, the jj becomes n, and the k is frequently omitted. In Nukuhiva and the rest of the northern cluster, the /is changed to h, the k is retained (except at the beginning of words, when it is omitted or pronounced, at the pleasure of the speaker), and the ~g becomes k, except with the people of one district (the Taipis), who give it its true sound. In all the islands, the I (or r) is omitted, or, at least, is very rarely used. Thus we have, in Tahuata,^?, fae (for hoe), hana (for haya), and havafi (for Savaiki) ; in Nukuhiva, hiti, hoe, luika (or with the Taipis hayd), and fuzvaiki. $ 2. The following table will show the number of consonantal elements in each dialect, and the permutations which they undergo in passing from one to another. The hiatus caused by the omission of the k is represented by an inverted comma. An omission of a letter which does not cause a hiatus, or sensible break in the pronun- ciation, is denoted by a dash. FAK. SAM. TONG. N. Z. RAR. MANG. PAU. TAH. BAW. NUK. F F F W; H — — WorF;H F; H H F or H K L R M M N N N 17 or K or N P P H H T T V V V W V V For W V W V § 3. Besides the regular permutations above-noted, there are others which occasionally take place between different dialects. F is occasionally commuted to v or w ; as fasi, Sam., a place, becomes in Tahitian vahi, and in Hawaiian wahi ; and sometimes to p ; as foe, Tonga, poe, N. Z., a ball. The I is sometimes changed to n ; as nima, Tong., for lima, five; nini, Haw., and nii, Tah., for Kyi, to pour ; niinii, Sam., for li'ili'i, or likiliki, small. The Tongan frequently drops the I altogether, as akau for lakau, tree ; eya for lepa, turmeric ; aiki for aliki, chief. The Tongan has sometimes an h where the other Polynesian dialects have no corre- K 1 K K K K K 5 L L L R R R R R M M M M M M M M N N N N N N N N It J7 n J7 n U I? — P P Por B P p P P P S S H H — — H H T T T T T T T T POLYNESIAN GRAMMAR. 333 spending element ; in such cases, the Vitian has often a iuu rarahi. This peculiarity does not exist in the Hawaiian. In Samoan, by a singular exception, ititi, small, has for its plural, iti. § 28. The comparison of adjectives is effected by various circum- locutions; for, "this is greater than that," they say, "this is great above that," or " beyond that," or " this exceeds that in greatness," or simply, " this is great to that." Sam. e tele lenei i lela, this is great to that. Sam. e sili lona lelei i low, his goodness exceeds mine. Sam. n'au ititi, ai tele ia, I am small, but he is great. Sam. taitai ane, soon beyond, for sooner, more readily. Tong. kuo lelei lahi ae tayata ki he sibi, a man is greatly good to a sheep, — i. e. a man is much better than a sheep. Tong. lahi ia Solomone, great to Solomon. Tong. lahi hake i — , great above ; lahi aye ki — , great beyond. N. Z. he ta-gata rahi ake ia Hoani, a man great above John. N. Z. kaka atu ia ia, strong beyond him. N. Z. tera.atu, more, — i. e. that beyond ; erima atu, five more. Rar. e maata aia i te iero, he is great to (greater than) the temple. Rar. kino maata ita atu te opeya o taua tagata rai tei muata-gana, bad, great, beyond (much worse) [is] the end of that man to the beginning. Tah. e rahi Tahiti i Moorea, Tahiti is great to Moorea. Tah. e rahi atu Beretane, Britain is great beyond (still greater). Tah. e rahi roa 'tu America, America is very great beyond (much larger). Tah. e mea maitai ae, a thing good above (or better, but in a small degree). Tah. ua hau teie i te maoro, this exceeds in length. [These examples are taken from the Tahitian Grammar.] Haw. poto ae, short above (for shorter). Haw. e ai atu to outou maitai i to latou, your goodness exceeds theirs. Nuk. meitai, good ; meitai atu, better. Nuk. i uta, inland ; i via atu, farther inland. Nuk. o te enana mea okoite hana ke o te Etua (G.), man [is] greater than (very great to) the other works of God. $ 29. The superlative is formed by means of adverbs which have the sense of very, exceedingly, or by a repetition of the adjective, as in Italian. It is unnecessary to give examples. NUMERALS. J 30. The following are the numerals in the Polynesian dialects : it will be seen that a great similarity pervades them all, with the ex- 62 246 PHILOLOGY. ception of the Paumotuan, which differs in this respect, as in much of its vocabulary, from the rest. A few of the Tahitian numerals are also peculiar ; these have been substituted for the common words (which are not altogether obsolete) by a custom termed te pi, for which see § 81. ONE. TWO. THREE. FOUR. FIVE. Fak. tasi lua, ua tolu fa lima Sam. tasi lua tolu fa lima Tong. taha Ua tolu fa nima N. Z. tahi rua toru wa rima Rar. tai rua torn a rima Mang. tai rua toru a rima Pau. rari ite yeti ope -geka Tah. tahi rua, piti toru ha, maha rima, pae Haw. tahi lua tolu ha, tauna lima Nuk. tahi ua tou ha or fa ima six. SEVEN. EIGHT. NINE. TEN. Fak. ono fitu valu iva fulu, -gafulu Sam. ono fitu valu iva sefulu, -gafulu Tong. ono fitu valu hiva hoyofulu N. Z. ono witu waru iwa •gahuru Rar. ono itu varu iva -gauru Mang. ono itu varu iva -gauru Pau. hene hito hawa nipa horihori Tah. ono,fene hitu varu, vau iva ahuru Haw. ono hitu valu iwa 'umi Nuk. ono hitu, fitu vau iva onohuu TEN PAIR. TWENTY. THIRTY. FORTY, FIFTY. Fak. lua -gafulu tolu -gafulu fa -gafulu lima -gafulu Sam. luafulu tolu TjOfulu fa -gafulu lima -gafulu Tong. tekau uofulu tolu -gofulu fa -gofulu nima yofulu N. Z. tekau rua -gahuru toru -gahuru wa -gahuru rima -gahuru Rar. Mang. takau takau ma rua takau rua takau ma •gauru -gauru Pau. takau (?) Tah. ta'au ta'au ma rua ta'au rua ta'au ma ahuru ahuru Haw. iwatalua tanatolu tanahd, ta'au tanahd me ta umi Nuk. tekau tekau ma toha, taufa toha ma onohuu onohuu POLYNESIAN GRAMMAR. 247 ONE HUNDRED. Fak. lau Sam. lau, selau Tong. au, teau N. Z. rau Rar. Mang. rima takau rau TWO HUNDRED. FOUR HUNDRED. lua lau fa yalau ua ijeau fa yeau rua rau rau Pau. penu Tab. rima ta'au rau wa rau rua rau rua rau Haw. luatanahd me lima tanahd lau ta iwatalua Nuk. ua toha ma ima tohd au tekau ONE THOUSAND AND UPWARDS. kiu, a large number, indefinite afe, 1000 ; mano, 10,000 ; iln, 100,000 afe, 1000; mano, 10,000; kilu, 100,000 mano, 1000; tint, 10,000 mano, 2000 ; tint, 20,000 mano, 2000 ; kiu, 20,000 ; tint, a great number mano, 1000 (?) mano, 2000 ; manotini, 20,000 ; rehu, 200,000 ; iu, 2,000,000 mano, 4000 ; tini, 40,000 ; lehu, 400,000 mano, 4000 ; tini, 40,000 ; tufa, 400,000 ; pohi, 4,000,000 The word afe, which in Samoan and Tongan signifies a thousand, is wanting in the other dialects ; they have adopted, instead of it, mano, which, in the two former, signifies ten thousand. Kilu, Tong., 'ilu, Sam., a hundred thousand, is probably the same word with iu in Tahitian, which signifies a million, and kiu, which, in Mangarevan, stands for twenty thousand, and which we heard used at Fakaafb for a great but indefinite number, (e kiu te taifale, the houses are very many.) In Samoan, the natives appeared to make, in the tens and hundreds, a difference between the dual and the plural. Sefulu was ten ; lua fulu or lua sefulu, twenty; and tolu ~gafulu, thirty. So selau was the word for one hundred ; lua lau or lua selau, two hundred ; tolu -galau, three hundred. The missionaries, however, employ lua yafulu and lua yalau, and it is likely that the usage of the natives may vary. § 31. In the Tahitian, Rarotongan, and Mangarevan, the words rau and mano, which should properly signify hundred and thousand, are doubled in value, and stand for two hundred and two thousand ; while in Hawaiian and Nukuhivan they are quadrupled, and stand for four hundred and four thousand. The missionaries, in order to induce the natives to return to the more convenient decimal enume- ration, have been obliged to introduce into these dialects the English words hundred and thousand (huneri and tausani). The origin of these singular variations is probably to be found in the fact that most of the objects which the natives have occasion to enumerate, being articles of food, and of small size (such as yams, cocoa-nuts, fish, and the like), can be most conveniently and expeditiously counted in pairs. This mode is therefore universally adopted. Taking one in each hand, the native, as he throws them into the storehouse, or on to the heap, counts one; for two pairs, he says two; for ten pairs simply ten, and so on. Hence each number has a twofold value, one for objects counted singly, and one for those reckoned in pairs. The first emigrants to Tahiti had naturally but little occasion to employ the 248 PHILOLOGY. former or original value, having, of course, few men, canoes, or other large objects which required to be counted. We can easily perceive, therefore, how, in process of time, the primary meaning of the words might be wholly forgotten, and the secondary be used in counting units as well as pairs. And if, after this usage had become fixed, a second emigration took place from Tahiti to Nukuhiva or Hawaii, we can, in the same manner, account for the second duplication. The word kau or tekau appears to be that which was originally used to signify ten pair, as distinguished from fulu or yqfulu, the regular word for ten. This seems to be its use in Tongan and New Zealand. In Mangarevan takau, and in Tahitian td'au, are the ordinary terms for twenty, and form the basis of the higher enumeration, — thirty being twenty and ten, forty twice twenty, a hundred five times twenty, &c. In Hawaiian ten is umi, the same as the Tongan kumi, which means ten fathoms ; twenty is iwa- talua, a word compounded of iwa, nine, and lua, two, — though why it should have this meaning cannot well be understood ; thirty is tanatolu; forty is expressed both by tcCau (for takau, a corruption of tekau), and by tanaha, being the word ha, four, with a prefix of unknown origin. This word, tanaha, is, in this language, the basis of enumeration (unless we apply that term to fauna, which is a collective word for four, in which case tanaha would stand for ten tauna) ; fifty is tanaha me ta umi, forty and ten ; a hun- dred is two forties and twenty ; two hundred is four forties ; and so on up to four hundred, which is lau. At the Marquesas, both systems of numeration, the binary and the quaternary, are in use, the former in the southern or Tahuatan cluster, and the latter in the northern or Nukuhivan, but in both with some peculiarities. In counting large objects, which require to be numbered singly, as men, canoes, pigs, &c., the Tahuatans begin with tahi, one, and continue up to onohuu, ten, takau, twenty, au, two hundred, mano, two thousand, tini, twenty thousand, tufa, two hundred thousand, pohi, two million. With small objects, as fish and most kinds of fruit, they commence with tauna, a pair, and, omitting onohuu, proceed to takau, ten pair, au, a hundred pair, &c., showing evidently the manner in which the binary system was formed from the simple decimal. For bread- fruit, they have a peculiar mode, commencing with pona, a word which properly signifies a knot ; and as they are accustomed to tie up these fruit in knots of four, the word has come to denote that number ; takau is then ten pona (i. e. forty), and au should properly be one hundred pona, — but for some unknown reason the word tauau has been intro- duced to denote that number, and au is used to signify two tauau, \. e. eight hundred ; mano is ten au, or eight thousand, &c. The Nukuhivans, in counting all articles but breadfruit, begin with tahi, one (the word tauna, pair, not being used), and proceed to onohuu, ten, tekau or tikau (for takau), twenty, tekau ma onohuu, thirty, after which a new word is introduced for forty, which Mr. Crook writes taufa or tauha, and Mr. Alex- ander and M. Gracia, toha. Fifty is tauha (or toha) ma onohuu; one hundred is ua tauha ma tekau; two hundred is ima tauha; four hundred is au; four thousand, mano, &c. For breadfruit they use the word pona, a knot of four, when tauha signifies ten pona (thus returning to the decimal system), au is one hundred pona, mano one thou- sand. Sometimes the Nukuhivans, to prevent mistakes, employ the word oa (large) after the numeral, to show that it is used in the quaternary sense, and not according to the Tahuatan system, as an oa, four hundred, mano oa, four thousand. The missionaries have introduced into these languages the ordinary decimal system. POLYNESIAN GRAMMAR. 249 In the Tahitian and Rarotongan they discard the ta'au and takau altogether, using only dhuru or yauru for ten, and forming the higher numbers regularly (rua ahuru, torn ahuru, &c.) up to haneri, hundred. In Hawaiian, they proceed from tanaha, forty, to tancdima, fifty, tanaono, sixty, and so on to the same word hcmeri. In the New Zealand Grammar of Professor Lee, and in the missionary translations into that dialect, tekau is used for ten in all the numbers above nineteen ; for twenty, they give rua tekau, — for thirty, torn tekau, &c. Yet it is certain that these terms mean respectively twenty pairs, thirty pairs, and so on ; or, at least, this is their proper and original signification, although some of the natives, under the instruction of the mission- aries, may now have adopted their mode of computation. The origin of the mistake pro- bably was the fact that the natives rarely have occasion to use the higher numbers, except in counting fish and potatoes, — and these are always counted in pairs. A person hearing a native say for one pair, tahi, meaning simply one, — for two pairs, rua, meaning two, and so on, would naturally suppose that tekau, used for ten pairs, meant simply ten. In the Paumotuan we can observe the process by which the reduplication of the Tahi- tian and Rarotongan was probably effected. In this language there is a double set of numerals, one for counting single objects, and the other for pairs. They are respectively as follows : rari, one ite, two tikaite, one pair yeti, three ope, four terueope, two pairs hene, five yeka, six miahene, three pairs hito, seven haiva, eight tueptka, four pairs nipa, nine horihori, ten horihori, five pairs For twenty the term given (as we understood it) was ite takau. We supposed then that these natives followed the same mode of computation as that given in the New Zealand grammar, of the incorrectness of which we were not then aware. It seems likely that we made here precisely the same mistake as the compiler of that grammar, and that takau does in fact belong to the second, or duplicate set of numerals, and means therefore ten pairs. It would then be just the double of horihori, when the latter is used for five pairs. It is easy to see how takau might, by a careless usage, be transferred by the natives to the first set of numerals, and be taken for the double of horihori when the latter is used for ten ; in which case takau would mean simply twenty. The Paumotuan word for hundred, penu, means also the head ; we are reminded of the Samoanfulu, ten, which means likewise hair,— and lima, which signifies both five and hand. The notion of connecting the names of numbers with parts of the body would naturally arise from the habit of counting on the fingers. It should be observed that the natives, in most of the groups, commonly prefix to the numerals the particles ka or a, and e, which are probably the verbal particles of affirma- tion and present time (vide §§ 50 and 52). The first (ka or a) is commonly used when the numeral precedes the noun, as ka toru ya waka, N. Z., there are three canoes ; a 63 250 PHILOLOGY. tahi raau, Tab., one tree; the second both before and after, waka etoru, three canoes ; eua ihi, Nuk., two chestnuts. In Hawaiian hoo is commonly used in the place of these particles before tahi. In repeating the names of the first nine numerals, ka or a is usually prefixed to the first, and e to the others, as katalii or atahi, elua, etolu, &c. $ 32. Some of the terms for the higher numbers are only used in counting particular articles. For four, the Hawaiians have two terms, ha and fauna; for forty, they have tanahd, iato, and ta'au. The first of these (tanahd) is the general term ; iato is used in counting pieces oftapa* (native cloth), and ta'au in counting fish. It has been before observed [§ 14] that kau, the root of the Tongan tekau, probably signified originally a parcel or bunch. Tekau would mean, therefore, one parcel, which they consider to be twenty, though this is evidently an arbitrary application, — precisely as with the English score, which means properly any number scored down. The natives of Tonga employ it only in counting yams and fish. They have also a similar collec- tive term, tefuhi, for hundred (though Mariner does not state its exact application) ; it is probably the word fuhi, a sheaf, or bundle, (from the Samoan fust, to bind,) with the article ie prefixed. The word tekumi, pi. -gakumi, is used in Tongan for ten, in counting ofa, or fathoms, — the common measure of length. In New Zealand kumi signifies simply ten fathoms, as does umi in Tahitian. In Hawaiian umi is the usual word for ten, and anahulu (from yafulu) signifies a period of ten days. In the Mangarevan vocabulary kumi is given as a word for ten, but with no explanation of its use. In Nukuhivan, pona, four, and tauau, four hundred, are used only in counting bread- fruit. $ 33. The lower numbers are connected with the higher by the conjunction ma, meaning and. In Samoan, sefulu ma tasi, eleven ; lua ~gafulu ma tasi, twenty -one ; in Tongan, ho-gofulu ma ua, twelve; in New Zealand, -gahuru ma toru, thirteen ; in Rarotongan, Tgauru ma a, fourteen ; in Nukuhivan, onohuu ma ima, fifteen, /,-ut>, celte parole merit dc lwez ai, from whom ? ia ai, to whom ? &c., aha, what ? tehea, which ? as te Awe Am, which gourd ? .Hisa, how many ? INDEFINITE PRONOUNS. \ 43. Most of the words which would fall under this head (answer- ing to some, other, many, and the like) have been already given, in treating of the article [v. \ 11.] The following are a few which may be here noticed. Samoan. Nisi, some ; isi, other, as nom., 'o isi, another or others ; gen., a isi, o isi, of another, of others, &c. Le ai se or le ai ni, not any, none (from le, not, ai, there, and the article), as e le ai se mea e ai, there is not any thing to eat ; e le ai ni tagata, there are no men. Uma, umalava, all, every (from uma, done, finished) ; as ia mea uma, all these things ; 'o tayata umalava, all men ; 'o laau umalava, every tree. Se, the article, is used in an indefinite sense, which can hardly be rendered in English, as 'o ai ea se jilifili, who is some one [or, who is it] that chooses ? Fasi, as setasi fasi mea ititi, any little thing (or rather, any little portion of a thing). Tongan. Nihi, some, any, other ; fuli, orfuli be, all (in number), every one ; kotoa, or kotoa be, all, the whole, every ; ae tayata kotoa be, every man, or all the men. POLYNESIAN GRAMMAR. 261 New Zealand. Wahi, tewahi, some ; (era atu, tetahi atu, another ; era atu, etahi atu, others ; as era atu kaiga, other towns ; katoa, all, as enei mea katoa, all those things. Rarotongan. Tetahi aroga, some (persons) ; tetalii poe, some, a part ; etai-ki, others ; mayanui, a great many, " / tera yai i (era gai" is given for " in divers places." Katoa, all, — te au mea katoa, all things. Tahitian. Etahi pae, some ; fanu, some, — asfanu ia, some fish ; toofanu mau Pha- risea, some of the Pharisees. Atoa, all ; taua mau mea atoa, all those things. Hawaiian. Wahi, some ; hai, another, used only after a preposition, as o hai, a hai, of another ; to hai, ta hai, another's ; 'ia hai, to another, &c. A pau, or a pau loa, all (from pau, done, finished) ; as ia mau mea a pau, all those things. In Nukuhivan, tetahi, etahi, some, others ; totahi atu, more; atoa, all. RELATIVES. § 44. The Polynesian dialects have, properly speaking, no relative pronouns. Their place is supplied by words belonging to other parts of speech, or they are left to be understood from the construction of the sentence. Fakaafo. Te vaka a Pihapa, — te vaka alu, the canoe of Pihajm, the canoe [which is] going. Samoan. O le, sing, and o e, pi., — in oblique cases simply le and e, are used as rela- tives, or to supply the place of such ; as, ie faafetaia o le sau, blessed is he that comes, or, the comer ; taupou e to'asefulu o e ave atu, ten virgins who took ; alofa atu i e fetuu mai, love them that curse. Lena, pi. ena, are used in a similar manner, as, o lena pepelo ia te ia, who betrayed him ; ma ena mulimuli, and thou who followedst ; [but perhaps the na should rather be considered the sign of the past tense ; we have not found lena or ena in the present.] Sa is termed by Mr. Heath, in one place, a relative of past time, and in another, a sign of tense ; it is used as follows : — le upa sa 'e fai mai, the word which thou didst speak ; 'o latou sa mai, they who were sick. Na, the proper sign of past time, is often so placed as to indicate that a relative is to be understood ; as, 'o tagata na mulimuli mai, the men who followed ; lena na tala-ina, he who was spoken of. Ma is given as having a similar meaning with *a, but we have found no example of it. Besides these, the personal pronouns, particularly in the oblique cases, are used where a relative would be employed in English. O le, or simply o, is used for " whosoever ;" as o e faailoa au, whosoever shall confess me (or it is, perhaps, a plural, — whatever persons shall, &c.) In Tongan, the relative is either expressed by the personal pronouns, or left to be inferred ; koeni koia efakaha au, he who shall confess me ; te mou mau aia te mou lea aki, ye shall receive that which ye shall speak ; koe fili ne ne-tutui ia, the enemy who sowed it ; ae tayata na ne yaohi, the man whom he had made. New Zealand. Ko koe ra nei aia e haere mai, art thou he that should come ? Te tagata hore ona wahi, a man who has no place (lit. not of him a place). Koia ra tenei e korerotia, this is he that was spoken of. In Rarotongan, tei and ko tei, and in Tahitian, tei and 'o tei, are used as relatives : GC 262 PHILOLOGY. they seem to be merely the article te lengthened by emphasis, and answer therefore to the Samoan 'o le ; e ao tona o tei malau, blessed is he [or blessedness is his] who fears, &c. ; tetai tayata ko lei akalu, a certain man who built ; le tayata lei aere na mua, the men who went before. In Hawaiian, le is used in the same manner, as pomailai latou le u, blessed are they that mourn. This te does not become la before any consonant, and is therefore to be considered as distinct from the article, though it may once have been the same. In other cases the relative must be understood from the construction. Mr. Andrews remarks, — " from the mode of thinking among the islanders, it is evident that they have no more use for the relative pronoun, than they have for the verb to be." In Nukuhivan, te is used for a relative, as, o koe le i kaoha ia (G.), it is thou who art saluted ; te pue la Jesu i hakaite mai, the prayer which Jesus taught. But commonly the relative is understood, as na te puaa e uhw i le epo (C.), it is the pig that roots in the earth. In all the dialects there exists a relative particle ai, unknown to any of the European languages, which frequently supplies the place of the relative pronoun. It will be men- tioned in treating of the verb. J 45. The reflective and emphatic pronouns self and own have, in some of the dialects, no corresponding terms ; in others they are ex- pressed by some emphatic word appended to the personal and posses- sive pronouns. The Samoan and Tongan have nothing to supply the place of these terms : " he killed himself," is simply, " he killed him ;" " against himself," is merely, " against him ;" " thine own eye," is, " thy eye," &c. The New Zealand dialect employs ano, a word used in various senses, such as, also, indeed, then, truly, &c. ; e wakaora ia ia ano, to save himself; i lou kanohi ano, in thine own eye ; e karaya ana kia ratou ano, calling to one another. In Rarotongan, orai (perhaps from rai, great, much) is the common word ; its proper meaning seems to be very, in the sense of — " this very thing ;" it frequently has the particle ua, " merely," prefixed to it ; — kia latou orai, to ourselves ; ko Davida orai, David himself; tona uaorai -gakau, his own heart. lo is sometimes used, like iho in Tahitian, as, tonaio ao, his own stature. In Tahitian, iho, which properly means down, or downward, is affixed to the personal and possessive pronouns, — as, i roto ia outou-iho, within yourselves ; tau iho mnta, thine own eye ; nana iho i hamani, he made it himself. In Hawaiian, iho is used in a similar manner ; as, tou iho mala, thine own eye. In Nukuhivan, according to M. Garcia, " I strike myself," would be simply " I strike me," — e pehi nei au ia au, — as in Samoan. THE VERB. § 46. The accidents of tense, mood, voice, number, and person, are in general denoted by particles affixed to the verb. The only inflection which it undergoes, consists in the reduplication of the POLYNESIAN GRAMMAR. 263 whole word, or a part of it, to express either plurality, or a repetition of the action. In Samoan, the reduplication, entire or partial, of the verb is common for both these purposes ; as from fefe, to fear, we have, in the plural, ita fefefe i latou, they were afraid ; from moe, to sleep, momoe, to sleep together. Tufa, to divide, has for its fre- quentative tufatufa, to share out ; tola, to speak, has lalatala, to talk. In Tongan, from -nofo, to dwell, ke mau nonofo, let us dwell together ; tete, to tremble, freq., tetetete, to tremble much. In New Zealand, it is doubtful whether the reduplication is ever used for the purpose of expressing plurality, or the doing any thing in company ; but it often occurs with a frequentative or intensitive force ; — kai, to eat, makes kakai, to eat much, or often ; inu, • to drink, has iinu; haere, to go, makes haeregre, to walk, go about. In Rarotongan, the duplication seems to express either a duality (when two do a thing together) or the repetition of an action ; from toe, to come, arrive, e tatae atu ra raua, and they two arrived ; eke, to descend, ecke, to descend together ; kati, to bite, katikati, to bite often, or much, to champ. In Tahitian, the same observation applies as in the Rarotongan ; — taoto, to sleep, taooto, to sleep together (two persons) ; horo, to run, hohoro, to run together ; pou, to descend, popou, to descend together. Amaha, to split, amahamaha, to split repeatedly ; huti, to pull or pluck, hutihuti, to pluck repeatedly, as the feathers of a fowl ; hoe, to paddle, hofux, to paddle repeatedly ; parau, to speak, pararau, to speak together (two persons), — paraparau, to talk, converse. In Hawaiian, this form occurs only in the sense of a frequentative or intensitive. Lele, to jump, to fly, to depart, makes lelele, to jump frequently, and lelelele, to forsake re- peatedly (as a man his wife) ; luli, to vibrate, rock, luliluli, to shake or tremble, as the hands or head ; lawe, to take, lawelawe, to handle ; huli, to turn over or about, huhuli, to search. Mr. Andrews gives as derivatives from the root lawe, the forms, lalawe, lawewe, lawdawe, and lalalau-e; few verbs, however, have more than two of these, and the meaning of each form is not constant, but varies in different words. In Nukuhivan, the reduplication has the same force as in Hawaiian, as pehi, to strike, pepehi and pehipehi, to strike hard and often. & 47. The most striking peculiarity of the Polynesian dialects, as respects the verb, is the fact that the distinctions of time, which in other languages are considered of so much importance, are in these but little regarded, — while the chief attention is paid to the accidents of place By far the greater number of the particles which accom- pany the verb are devoted to the latter purpose. § 48. The numerous verbal particles may be classified as follows : —(1) particles of affirmation, (2) of tense, (3) of mood, (4) of form, (5) of voice, — (6) directives, (7) locatives, and (8) relative. $ 49. As almost every verb in these dialects may be, also, with no change of form, a noun or an adjective, some mode of distinguishing between the different acceptations becomes necessary. The term 264 PHILOLOGY. particles of affirmation, or active particles, has been applied to certain prefixes which are used for this purpose, and which bear the same relation to the verb that ko does to the noun [v. § 17]. Of these kua is the most important. This particle has been considered by some a sign of past or present time ; by others, an auxiliary verb. It is used, however, with all the tenses, though not so often with the future, which has a verbal particle of its own, as with the others; and the only case in which it appears to have a meaning apart from the word to which it is joined, is when it precedes what is properly a noun or adjective, — in which case, as it gives to them a verbal sense, it may often be translated by the substantive verb. In Fakaafo, kua mate, dead ; kua po, it is night ; kua lelei te tama, the boy is good. In Samoan, it becomes 'ua, as, 'ua matelaina ia, he fasted, or, was fasting ; 'ua 'e iloa ea 1 dost thou know 1 'ua lelei iate au, it is agreeable to me. In Tongan, it is kua or kuo ; bea kuo au a Finau, and Finau came, or was come ; kua to ae la, the sun is set ; kua lelei ia, it is [or it was] good. When preceded by o, and, (which is frequently used where it would not be employed in English), it becomes oku, — as, oku mau ilo ia, we know him ; oku ou kole kiate koe, I beg of thee. In New Zealand, the use of kua is less common than in the other dialects, its place being supplied by ka ; it is, however, not unfrequent, as, kua kite matou, we have seen ; kua mate ratou, they are dead. In the other dialects, kua (or 'ua) is used as in the Samoan. In Mangarevan and Nukuhivan, the final a is sometimes dropped, — as, ku' ava Magareva i te ua, Man- gareva is lost in the mist ; ku' tanu ia (Mang.), he is buried. U' hanau ia (Nuk.), he was born. This happens in Tahitian and Hawaiian, but apparently not so often. $ 50. Besides kua, different words are used in some of the dia- lects, apparently for a similar purpose, though with various shades of meaning. In Samoan, oloo, or, as the missionaries write it, o loo, is a very common prefix to the verb, at the beginning of a sentence. Mr. Heath thinks that it may be considered a sub- stantive verb. It seems to give a meaning similar to that of the present participle in English, combined with the different tenses of the verb to be ; — o loo aai tajjata, the people are eating ; o loo tu le matau i poyai, the axe is lying at the root ; o loo manalu ia i lea mea, he was thinking of those things ; o loo iate au, I have (" there is to me," est mihi ; ua iate au, would express the same meaning). This may be the word lo'o (for loko), to come, used in the sense of to become, like hoko in Tongan, which has both these meanings ; the o would then be the conjunction and prefixed, but used rather inde- finitely, as in the Tongan oku. In the New Zealand translations, oroko is often prefixed to verbal nouns, to signify the commencement or first doing of an action ; thus we find, te orokoha-gaga o te ao, the foundation of the world, from haya, to make ; ha-gaya, a making or creation ; i te orokomeataya, at the beginning, from mea, to do ; meataya, a doing, — hence this word will mean, at the first doing, or the beginning of doing ; so, te orokonohoa-ga o te tagata ki te wenua, the first dwelling of men on the earth, from noho, to dwell. POLYNESIAN GRAMMAR. 265 In New Zealand, ka is a verbal prefix in very frequent use, which appears commonly to take the place of kua, — as, a ka kite ia, and he saw ; ka wakawakia koutou, ye shall be judged ; ano ka toe a Jcsit, when Jesus was come ; ka mea atu aJiau kia koutou, I say unto you. Ka is also prefixed to adjectives and to adverbs used independently, as, ka pai, good, or, it is good ; ka hore, no, or, it is not. In the dialect of Paumotu, both ka and kua were used, as follows : — e hoki koe ka hiija, truly you are dead ; kaore mota kua hi~ga, not indeed dead. $ 51. The indefinite article se, he, or e, is frequently used to supply the place of the substantive verb. Se mata, Fak., it is an eye ; he titfuga koe, art thou a priest 1 He pono, N. Z., it is true ; lie rahi to ratou pouri, great is their sorrow. He aiaio, Haw., it is true ; he nui te tihapai, great is the field. In Rarotongan, Tahitian, and sometimes in New Zealand, this article seems to be lengthened to hei or ei (as te to tei, § 11), and may be translated either to be, or for, or as ; — kia ho atu tona oraya hei utu, N. Z., to give his \\fefor a ransom, — or as, or to be a ransom ; so in Rarotongan ei utu, and in Tahitian ei hoo, with the same meaning. In Nukuhivan, efiti au i te puu koku ei pakit, ana no te kaioi, I am going for the koku- berries, as (or to be) an adornment for the dance. In Tongan, he is frequently used at the beginning of sentences, with the sense of for (adv.) ; as, he oku aoya, for it is proper ; he ke te tonuhia, for thou shall be justified. It is probable that the e which is frequently found in Rarotongan and Tahitian at the begin- ning of phrases is not always a sign of tense, but rather the article used in one of the above senses. PARTICLES OF TENSE. § 52. The particles of tense always precede the verb ; they are all used with some degree of indefiniteness, and are frequently inter- changed for one another. The use of a particular particle appears to depend rather upon its position in the sentence than upon its intrinsic meaning. In Samoan, e is used as a sign of present and future time ; e vaai oia, he sees ; e tola leaya mai tayata ia te outou, men shall revile you ; afai ta-tou afai, if we shall say. Te is used with a similar meaning, but only after a pronoun, — as, ou te fai atu, I say ; afai matou tefai, if we shall say. A (according to Mr. Heath) is sometimes used as a sign of the immediate future ; but, in general, we can only distinguish by the context if the sentence is intended to be in the present or in the future. Na is the usual sign of the past tense, as, na'u fai, I said ; na ia taofi, he had seized ; na vaavaai i matou, we have seen ; na outou 6, ye went. At the beginning of a clause or sentence, however, this is usually preceded by o (probably the conjunction and), — as, ona sau ai lea o Jesu, Jesus came ; in the middle of a sentence, preceded by a noun, it serves, in a manner, for a relative pronoun [v. § 44], as, o le fua lea na talia, that was the seed [which] was received ; in this case, when na is followed by te, it is to be translated " by whom," or " by which;" as, nao e tar/ata lava, na te talia te finayalo, but the men only by whom 67 266 PHILOLOGY. is done the will, &c. [or, only the men who do the will.] Ona may frequently be ren- dered then, when, that. Sa is used in a similar manner with na [see the example, § 44]. In Tongan, e is used as in Samoan : lea e fehia ae tayata kotoa be, and all men shall hate. Te is used with the pronouns, but, by a singular discrepancy, while in Samoan it follows, in Tongan it precedes the pronoun ; in Samoan, 'e te fai, in Tongan, te ke fai, thou shall do ; ikai te nau faa-tamate, they cannot kill ; so, teu alu, I will go, the pro- noun M being affixed to the particle. Na (or as the missionaries have spelt it, naa), nae, and ne, are signs of past time. The first is used with the pronouns : na mau maniata, we saw ; ndku alu, I went, &c. Nae is used when not followed by a pronoun, as nae hau aefoha oe tayata, the Son of Man came ; nae i ai ae tayata, there was a man there. It precedes the negative ikai, which is then sometimes followed by te, but not with a future signification, as nae ikai te mau ala, we have not touched. Ne is commonly used with the pronouns, like na, from which it seems to differ only in being less emphatic ; neufanoyo, I have heard ; ne ne alu or ne alu ia, he went ; it is also used with the con- junction of past time ka. In New Zealand, e is the sign of present and future time, and i of past ; — ko ya matapo e kite ana, the blind see ; e ora taku ponoya, my servant will live ; i haere matou, we went. When a verb, in the indicative, has no particle of tense, it is generally in the preterite. In Rarotongan, e is a sign of the future, and not unfrequently of the present : kare e papani teianei uki, this generation shall not pass ; e aere au, I go. Te is a sign of the present, and of the imperfect ; in the first case, the verb is followed by the locative par- ticle nei (here), and in the second by ra (there), as te kite nei au, I know ; te noo ra aia, he was sitting. I is the sign of the past. It is, however, sometimes used in the present, particularly after the negative, as kare matou i kite, we do not know. When no particle precedes the verb, it is usually in the preterite. In Mangarevan, e is the sign of the present and future ; in the former case (according to the vocabulary) it has ana after the verb, and in the latter ai; — e au ana te matayi, the wind is blowing. J marks the preterite ; after a negative it becomes ei, as kakore au ei kite, I did not see. In Tahitian, the particles and their use are precisely the same as in Rarotongan, — and the same may be said of the Paumotuan, so far as can be judged from the specimens which we have of that language. In Hawaiian, e indicates the future, and frequently, also, the present ; te is the proper sign of the present, but in the subjunctive mood it denotes the future also ; i is the pre- terite particle. E, when it follows the verb, signifies previous, beforehand, and forms thus, with the preterite, a sort of pluperfect, and with the future, a second future, — ua lawe e au, I took previously, or I had taken ; e lawe e au, I shall take -beforehand, or shall have taken. In Nukuhivan, e is the sign of the present and the future. In the former case, to dis- tinguish the tense, the particle nei is usually postfixed to the verb ; as e kite nei au, I see. The sense of futurity is generally made apparent by the form of the sentence, as mdhea e hee ai tatou, which way shall we go 1 E haa popoi e fiti mai ai maua, to- morrow we two will come. I is the preterite particle, as na oe i koaa tou taha, you have taken away my place. POLYNESIAN GRAMMAR. 267 PARTICLES OF MOOD. 5 53. The subjunctive, conditional, potential, imperative, and in- finitive moods, are distinguished from the indicative, usually by conjunctions or other particles prefixed to the verb. In Samoan, the subjunctive is denoted by the particles ia and ina, — as ia iu le tola, that the saying might be fulfilled ; a, 'e loto ina sao, if them wishest to be perfect (or, that thou be perfect). With the negative, it is aua, — as aua i latou te toe, that they should not return. The conditional, with if or wften, is expressed by a, afai, faita (suppose), ia, pe, pea, and poo; as a e ifo mai oe, if thou wilt bow down ; afai oe e alu, if thou goest ; ia e manatu, oe, if thou wilt ; iafai outou au alama, when ye do your alms ; pe 'e te loto i ai, if thou desire it ; pea fai atu outou, if ye shall say ; poo oe moni, if it be truly thou. Lest is expressed by nei, — as nei utiafoi outou, lest ye be bitten. Can, or rather possible, by mafai, usually followed by ona, or na, — as e mafai iate ia na fati, he can break (or, it is possible for him to break). The imperative either has no particle ; as sau mai, come here, — or takes ia after it, and sometimes also ina before it : Jca acre ka kimi, go seek ! ka ta tatou iaia, let us kill him. Ka also expresses future necessity, as, mayanui te ka vare, many shall be deceived (or many are they who shall, &c.) ; e ka kavea kimua, and shall be brought before. The forbidding negative is auraka, — as, auraka e manako, think not, — and more rarely by the Tahitian eiaa, — as, eiaa e tomo atu, do not enter. The proper infinitive sign is e, but to express purpose or design the subjunctive particle kia is used. In Mangarevan, kavii is if (probably for the preterite only, like ahivi in Tahitian); eki is lest, — as, eki iya koe, lest thou fall ; mei is would that (plut a Dieu que), answer- ing perhaps to me in New Zealand ; ka is the sign of the imperative, — as, tatou ka oro i te takao, let us go to read ; it properly signifies " qifil y a devoir, convenance, possibilite, SfC., par rapport a, faction du verbe." The imperative has sometimes e before it, — but frequently it is without any sign to designate it. In Paumotuan, ka seems to be used as in Mangarevan : ka haere mai, come here ! tatou ka tamaki, let us fight, or, we will fight. In Tahitian, 'ia answers to kia in Rarotongan, au (for tau} to tika, and ahiri to nariya. A is the prefix of the imperative, and e of the infinitive : oi, a, and o te, are used for lest, as, e ara a polie, take care lest [you] die ; o te haere ratou, lest they come. Eiaha is the prohibiting particle : eiaha e haere, go not. In Hawaiian, i answers to ia in Tahitian, as a sign of the subjunctive, meaning that, and marks also the conditional, with the sense of if and when, — as, i ite oe, that thou mayest know ; i itea mai e na tanata, to be seen by men ; i pule outou, when ye pray ; i ino tau mata, if thine eye be evil. Ina signifies if, — as, ina outou e haele, if ye come. O is lest, as mai ai outou o mate, eat not, lest [ye] die ; [this is perhaps the Samoan o, meaning or ; " eat not, or you die."] Can is expressed by hiti, to arrive at, with a con- struction similar to that of the New Zealand ahei, — as, hiti no i teia poe lamalii te helu- helu, these children are able to read (lit. it has come to these children to read). Pono, right, good, is used in the same way to express ought, should, &c. [The te after these words never becomes ta; yet, from the analogy of the other dialects, we can hardly doubt that it was originally the article, — i. e. the reading has come to the children. We may suppose that when the ta was introduced it was only employed in those cases in which the article preceded what was clearly a noun ; when it was used as a relative [v. § 44], or, as in the present case, before a sort of infinitive or gerund, it was not changed.] E is the usual prefix of the imperative, — as, e haawi oe, give thou ; before some verbs it is replaced by o or ou, — as, o hele oe, go thou ; ou Iwi olua, do ye two POLYNESIAN GRAMMAR. 269 return. Mai is the prohibitive particle, — as, mai heJe oe, go them not. Mai also signi- fies almost, about, near to, — as, mai male au, I am nearly dead, or about to die. E is the infinitive particle, but i, of the subjunctive, is used when object or purpose is intended, as in the second example given above. In Nukuhivan, ia. is a sign of the subjunctive, — as, ia oohia matou, that we be over- come ; it appears to be also used for the third person of the imperative, — as, ia hakaoko- hia to oe hinakao, let thy will be done. A is the usual imperative particle, — as, a hee ! go. Ana is the prohibitive sign in the Nukuhivan cluster, — as, aua oe hiti, do not come ; in Tahuata, it is mot or (according to the French missionaries) umoi, — as, mot ia kai oe (C.), do not eat ! umoi oe e hana (G.), do not make ! The infinitive particle is e, — as, e mea evioite ika, a thing to spear fish. The conditional is usually left to be understood from the form of the sentence, — as, e piki oe mauna he vaka nei, e mate oe, if you climb up this ship you will be killed ; ia, however, is sometimes used for if, — as, ia maka mai ia, if he sling. Lest is oi, — as, oi vii, lest you fall, or, for fear of falling. Mai is used for about, to, or near to, exactly as mai in Hawaiian. PARTICLES OF FORM. § 54. By joining certain particles to the verb, both as prefixes and suffixes, the Polynesian dialects give to the original meaning of the word, additional shades of signification, analogous to some of the Hebrew conjugations. These derivatives we have termed Forms. They are causative, desiderative, reciprocal, and potential. They receive all the signs of tense and mood like the single verb. In Samoan, the causative form is made by prefixing /«'« to the verb ; as fa'aola, to save, to cure, — i. e. to cause to live, from ola, to live ; fa'ailo, to show, cause to know, from ilo, to know. Desire is expressed byjia, prefixed, — as aufia-inu, I wish to drink ; fia-alu ia, he wishes to go. The reciprocal form, which also expresses the doing of any thing by a number of persons in company, is made by fe prefixed, and a'i, ta'i, ya'i,Ji, si, and ani suffixed to the verb ; — as fe-faatau-a'i, to trade together, or with one another, —fe-sda-ta?i, to run together,—; fe-ita-r/ai, to hate one another ; fe-oso-fi, to leap together ; fe-au-si, to swim together, — -fe-soasoani, to help one another. A'i and ani, when fol- lowing a verb ending in a, coalesce with it, as in the last example, and in fe-misa'i, to quarrel, from misa, to bear ill-will,— -fe-taldi, to speak in council, from tola, to speak. This same form is used to express irregular motion, back and forth, up and down, about, &c., — asfe-alu-a'i, to walk about, up and &ovm,—fe-lafo-a?ina (passive), tost about, as a vessel. In Tongan, faka is the causative prefix, — as fakamoui, to save, from moui, to live ; fakatiitii, to diminish, from tiiiii, small. The desiderative particle is fia, or, as it is more commonly pronounced, fe, — as man fia alu, we wish to go ; nd nau fie fanango, they wished to hear. The reciprocal form (which has the same meanings as in Samoan) is made by fe prefixed, and aki, faki, laki, ani, suffixed, — as fe-fihi-aki, to wrestle together,— -fe-tio-faki, to look upon one another,— -fe-ofoofdni, to greet one another, from ofa, to salute ; — from tau, to come upon, to reach to, &c., we hwefetaulaki, to join with one another,— -fakafetaulaki, to meet a person, — and fe-fakafetaulaki, to meet with one 68 270 PHILOLOGY. another. Fa, or, as the missionaries write it, faa, is the potential prefix, — as nae ikai te nau fd-nqfo, they could not dwell ; kabuu efaalau e ha tayata, if a man can number, (or, if it can be numbered by a man.) This form exists only in the Tongan. In New Zealand, the causative prefix is u-aka, — as wakavia, to save ; wakakiti, to cause to know. Hia is used in a few cases, as a desiderative sign, as hia-inu, to wish to drink, to be thirsty ; hia-kai, to wish to eat, to be hungry ; but it is not a general prefix. Hiahia signifies to desire, but it is used as an independent verb. The reci- procal form does not exist in this, or in any of the Eastern dialects, which have only the causative. In Rarotongan and Mangarevan, the causative sign is oka, in Paumotuan faka or haka, in Tahitian fcfa or Ma, in Hawaiian sometimes ha'a, but more commonly hd'o, and in Nukuhivan it assumes the four forms of faka, haka,fa'a, and ha'a. In most, if not all, of these dialects, to is also employed as a causative prefix : — it is probably the same with the verb ta, to strike ; as akaaka, Rar., low, taakaaka, to abase (to strike down) ; ii, entangled, taii, to entangle. In Tahitian, tamd, to cleanse, from ma, clean (to distinguish it perhaps from haamd, ashamed). In Hawaiian, tahinu, to anoint, from hinu, ointment ; tahihi, to entangle, from hihi, entangled (perhaps to dis- tinguish it from hoohihi, to covet another's property). In Nukuhivan, tahui, to upset, from hui, to turn over ; tapii, to stick on, from pii, to adhere. PARTICLES OF VOICE. § 55. The Polynesian dialects make a very frequent use of the passive form of the verb. In many cases it is employed where the English would have the active; and there are, in all the dialects, verbs which, though active in form, are only used in a passive acceptation. The last-mentioned class of verbs differ, however, from the regular passives, in taking after them the ablative with i, instead of that with e, [v. §§ 23, 24], as rauka i te tayata, Rar., obtained by the man ; pau i te ahi, Haw., destroyed by fire. § 56. The passive particles are numerous in the different dialects, but nearly all terminate in a. They are all suffixes. In Samoan, these particles are a, ia, fia, yia, tia, and ina, — as ufiufi, to cover, ujiufia, covered ; taofi, to hinder, pass, taofi-ia; sila, to see (ceremonial) silafia; ita, to hate, itayta; si'i, to lift up, sfitia; ave, to give, ave-tna. Of these particles the first two and the last are by far the most common. The passive particle may be separated from the verb by an adverb, but, in this case, the particle thus separated always is, or becomes ina, — as e faaola atoa ina a outou ayasala, your sins will also be forgiven, — where the adverb atoa, " also," comes between the verb and the particle. In the Tongan, we are left in doubt by an evident mistake on the part of the mission- aries, who have regarded the ablative particle e, meaning by, as an article of the nomi- native [v. § 11], and have thus, in many cases, transformed a passive into an active verb. In numerous instances, in the versions of the Scriptures, the verb is followed by a particle i, which appears to have perplexed the translators, — as they have printed it not POLYNESIAN GRAMMAR. 271 as a part of the word, nor yet wholly separate, but merely divided from it by a very thin " space," — as in the sentence, i he kukai kotaalx' kno fanaui eke ijahi fefmc, among all the men [who] have been born of women, &c. ; here the missionaries consider the e before lie as a sign of the nominative, and translate, " among all whom women have borne;" it is, however, unquestionably the preposition by, and the i which follows fanau is a particle of the passive ; the proper rendering, therefore, is, " among all brought forth by women." This mistake has arisen partly from the circumstance that the only other Oceanic dialect with which the missionaries at this group were acquainted was the Vitian, which has no proper passive, and which employs several particles as affixes to the verb to denote its transitive state, — and partly from the fact that the Tongan appears to be in reality undecided on this point, or rather, to employ the same construction to express the two relations, easily confounded, of an active verb to its objective, and a passive to its nominative. Thus, in the phrase, kabau e kabuti e Setani a Setani, " if Satan cast out Satan," e Setani is evidently in the ablative, and kabuti (properly kabutia) in the passive, from kabu, — and the sentence reads " if Satan be cast out by Satan ;" yet a few lines after we have the same form used apparently in an active sense, — kabau ten kabuti ai ydhi tevolo, " if I cast out devils," where the u of teu is the nominative pro- noun /. This is the Vitian construction, as will be seen by referring to the grammar of that language. In some cases, however, the passive acceptation has been so clear that the translators could not remain in doubt, — as lie te ke tanuhia i hoo lea, be te ke ttalaia i hoo lea, for thou shall be justified by thy words, and thou shall be condemned by thy words ; the preposition by is here rendered i (according to the general rule in the Poly- nesian), and not e, — the ablative being not that of the agent, but that of the means or instrument. The particles thus far observed in the Tongan are i (for ia), ia, hia, ki (for kia), ti (for tia}, and no, (perhaps for ina) — as e akonakina akinautolu e he Otua, " they shall be taught by God" (from akonaki, to teach). In the New Zealand dialect the particles are more numerous than in the rest, and in this point its grammalical system appears to be more complete and regular than lhat of the others. It is to be observed that not only is the passive, as such, used much more frequently than in English, but in the imperative of transilive verbs, the passive form is generally employed where it must be rendered into English by the active, — and this is also sometimes the case in other moods. Ki te men e wakamahayatia ana koe e tou kanohi matau, if thy right eye offend thee, — lit., if thou be offended by thy right eye ; maliara-tia ya reyareya, observe the lilies. One remarkable peculiarity of this dialect is that instead of the passive sign being separated from the verb by an adverb, as in the other dialects, both the verb and the adverb have the affix, — that of the latter being always tia, — as ka tuku-a marie-tia tou ponoya, thy servant is let go in peace (tuku, to let go ; marie, peacefully) ; korero-tia kino-tia, evil spoken of. The passive suffixes are a, ia, hia, kia, mia, yia, ria, tia, na, ya, ina, and kina; as tono-a, sent, — wati-ia, broken, — tayo-hia, taken, — wetc-kia, loosed, — aru-mia, followed, — wakatu-ria, placed, — taumau-tia, betrothed, — tahu-na, burnt, — wayai-ya, fed, — hua-ina, called, — tua-kina, cut down. There appears to be no certain rule by which we can determine what is the affix of a particular verb ; on this point usage is the only guide. It would seem, how- ever, that certain terminations are best adapted, according to the euphony of the lan- guage, to particular affixes. Verbs ending in ae, alee, ei, eri, iri, oi, oti, ui, uri, uti, uku, uru, utu, have usually a; those which terminate in aki and ati, have often ia; 272 PHILOLOGY. many in ayi, ayo, iyi, ako, eke, have hia; those which terminate in ia, and in a and 6 accented have generally kia; many in anu, inu, aru, and aro, have mia; most that end in ai have igia; ria is only found with verbs ending in « and o; tia is the most common of all, and is joined with any termination ; many verbs ending in aki, iki, and ako, take na; those in -gai generally ija; the few cases in which we have found ina and kina have been with verbs ending in a. In some words the usage seems to vary ; we find both wakahe-kia [Matt. xiii. 57] and wakahe-Tjia [Matt. xi. 6] for " offended ;" so also, wakaputa-ia and wakaputa-ina, " made to appear." Words sounded alike with different acceptations, will have different affixes, — as kata-ina, laughed at ; katakata-yia scorched. In Rarolongan, the passive particles are a, ia, km, and mia, — as vete-a, loosened, — aroa-ia, loved, — opu-kia, seized, — tanu-mia, buried. The last two are, however, rare. Sometimes a na is inserted between the verb and the particle ia, which may be the remains of an old passive form, — as oko, to buy, — pass, oko-ia or okona-ia (in New Zea- land, hoko, to buy, makes in the passive kokona); tutaki-ia or tutakina-ia, rewarded (in N. Z. tutaki makes tutakina) ; so kai, to eat, pass, kaiyaia (N. Z. kai makes kaiya). The passive particle may be separated from the verb by an adverb, — as vaia-marie-ia, laid up carefully. In Mangarevan, the usual passive particle is ia,, as akavaraka-ia, revealed, made known, — causative passive from varaka, to know. In Tahitian, the only suffix of the passive is hia; it may be separated from the verb by an adverb, — as hopoi-e-hia, taken away ; hamani-ino-hia, treated ill. In Hawaiian, the suffixes are a, ia, hia, and lia, — as lohe-a, heard, — lawe-ia, taken, auhuli-hia, driven away, — tau-lia, hung up. The last two particles, however, are em- ployed in but very few instances. Taulia is probably used to distinguish the word lau, in the meaning of to hang, from tau, meaning to put, or set down, pass, tau-ia. We have, perhaps, another passive suffix in pili-tia, crowded close, from pili, to join or adhere to. The Nukuhivan has for suffixes of the passive a, ia, hia, and tia; as hanau, to bring forth, hanau-a, born ; kaoha, to salute, kaoha-ia, saluted ; uru, to inspire, uru-hia, inspired ; haatapu, to sanctify, haatapu-tia, sanctified. It is remarkable that some of the active verbs of the Eastern dialects seem to be derived from the passive forms of New Zealand, — as : puri, N. Z., to take, pass, puritia puliti, Haw., to take up akiri, " to throw, " akiritia kiriti, Mang., to throw kini, " to pinch, " kinitia 'initi, Haw., to pinch turaki, " to overthrow, " turakina tulaina, Haw., to overthrow horo, " to swallow, « haromia hordmi, Tah., to swallow This would seem to indicate that these passive forms once existed in the latter dialects, though they are now obsolete as such. \ 57. The verbal nouns being closely connected in this language with the passive forms, it will be most convenient to treat of them in this place. They are formed by joining to the verb certain suffixes which usually terminate in ya. POLYNESIAN GRAMMAR. 273 As the formation of these nouns, like that of the passive voice, is most clearly and fully displayed in the New Zealand dialect, it seems advisable to depart from our usual order, and draw our first examples from this tongue. The general rule is that the par- ticle of the noun depends upon that of the passive, a, ia, na, ya, and yia being changed into ya, and hia, kia, mia, ria, and tia becoming respectively haya, kaya, maya, raya, and taya, as — ACTIVE. patu, to kill wati, to break tahu, to burn kai, to eat pai, to favor tayi, to lament wakawd, to judge aru, to pursue tu (trans.), to stand on korero, to speak patua watiia tahuna kaiya paiyia tayihia wakawakia arumia turia (stood upon) korerotia patuya, a killing wat,iya, fracture tahuya, a burning kaiya, a meal paiya, favor, kindness tayihaya, lamentation wakawakaya, judgment arumaya, pursuit turaya, a stand, foundation korerotaya, a speaking It is probable that the passive suffixes ina and kina are changed to ya, but the ex- amples are so few and doubtful that no positive conclusion has been arrived at ; thus, wakaputa-ina, made to appear, or shown, has wakaputaya, a showing forth, — but then this verb has also another form of the passive, wakaputaia, from which the noun may be derived. The suffixes ya and taya are those which are generally used where a noun is to be formed from a word which is not a verb, — as from nui, great, we have nuiya, greatness ; from pouri, dark, pouritaya, darkness ; from marie, peacefully, marietaya, peacefulness. Sometimes a slight irregularity may be observed, — as wakapuaki, to testify, which should properly have wakapuakiya, has wakapuakaya, testimony. When the verb of which the noun is to be formed is qualified by an adverb, this adverb, also, receives a nominal suffix, which is always taya: thus ora tonu is to live continually, from which we have oraya lonu-taya, eternal life; tu-kau, to be naked (lit. to stand merely), has tuya kautaya, nakedness. Here it will be observed that tu has a different suffix (ya) from that which it has above (raya), and with a different meaning. This is not an uncommon case ; — wanau, to bring forth, passive wanaua, has wanauya (reg.), offspring, and wanautaya (irreg.), birth ; ako, to teach, pass, akona, has akoya (reg.), disciple, and akaraya (irreg.), instruction. No certain rule can be given for these cases, except that when the regular derivative of a verb has acquired by custom a meaning different from that which it should properly possess (as wanauya should properly signify birth, turaya, standing, akoya, teaching), another noun may be formed to express such proper meaning, by affixing to the verb the particle which will form the most euphonious combination. It will be seen that the Eastern dialects (Rarotongan, Tahitian, &c.) have generalised this exceptional rule into a regular system, and thence derived two classes of verbal nouns. In Samoan, the usual suffix is ya, which sometimes becomes aya, — as tanuya, inter- ment or sepulchre, — tufa-aya, division, — yataya or yata-aya, end, from yata, to termi- nate. There are, however, some exceptions, which seem to indicate that a more com- 69 274 PHILOLOGY. plex system resembling the New Zealand formerly existed ; — tupu, to grow, makes tupu-aya, growth, and tupulaya, generation (in N. Z. waka tupuraya) ; tu-ya is a standing, and tu-laya, a stand, foundation. In Tongan, ya and aya are the regular suffixes, and seem to be used indifferently, — as have, to carry, kaveya, a burthen ; bule, to govern, bule-aya, a kingdom,— fakailo, to show, fakailoya, a sign, indication ; tanu, to bury, tanu-aya, a sepulchre. But tanu signifies also to plant, and we have for the sixth lunar month, tanumaya, the planting month (Mariner), evidently from the obsolete passive tanumia. Tu signifies both to stand and to cut; in the former sense it has for its noun tuaya or tuya, any thing standing ; in the latter, it makes in the passive tulia, and its noun is tutaya, a piece or slice of any thing. In all the Eastern dialects there are two particles distinct in their use and purport. In Rarotongan, these are ya and aya, — the latter of which is used to express the action signified by the verb, while the former has reference rather to the result of the action ; the one may be termed the noun of the active voice, and the other that of the passive. Thus wanau-aya is birth, and wanauya offspring ; ope-aya, an ending, opeya, end ; putu-aya, a collecting, putuya, a crowd ; rave-aya, a doing, raveya, a deed. Some of the passives which terminate in kia and mia have their nouns formed from them, — as obu, to seize, pass, obukia, whence obukiya, seizure ; tanu, to bury, pass, tanumia, — tanumaya, burial, sepulchre. Ta, to kill, has irregularly taiya, slaughter. The active suffix, aya, may be separated from the verb by an adverb, — as kite-akaou-aya, a seeing again, or a re-discovery ; this particle may also receive the passive suffix ia, thus giving it a signification like that expressed by the English being with the past participle, — thus, te kite-aya signifies the knowing, — te kite-aya-ia, the being known ; te rave-kino-aya is the ill-treating, or ill-treatment which one inflicts ; te rave-kino-aya-ia is the being ill- treated, or ill-treatment which one endures. In Mangarevan, the two suffixes are ya and raya; as mateya, death, mate-raya, the act of dying ; moeya, bed, moe-raya, the act of sleeping. In Tahitian, the suffixes are a (for ya) and raa (for raya} ; as fanaua, offspring, fanau-raa, birth ; hopea, end, hope-raa, completion, ending ; tuhaa, portion, tuha-raa, apportionment. Instead of raa, haa (for haya) is sometimes found, — as taihaa (tayi- haya, N. Z.). lamentation, otohaa, crying. The passive particle may be affixed, as in Rarotongan ; as te vahavaha-raa-hia, the being abused ; te aratai-raa-hiu, the being led. In Hawaiian, the particles are na (for ya) and ana (for aya) ; as toena, remainder, toe-ana, a remaining ; utana, burthen, uta-ana, a conveying. The former, however, is used only in certain words, while the latter is universal ; it may be separated from the verb by an adverb, — as ta outou Jiana-maitai-ana, your well-doing, or your good deeds. Ana is used also like the present participle in English, to form a kind of present tense, — as elawe ana au, I am taking; it follows the sign of the passive, — as lawe-ia-ana, being taken. Some words seem to show that other forms once existed, — as tomohana, the west, from tomo, to enter, to sink into (i. e. the going down of the sun — occidens) ; tulana, a place where many things stand, — as a village, garden, &c. (from tu, to stand). At the Marquesas, the regular suffix ya becomes, in the southern islands, na, and in the northern ka; asfiti or hiti, to go inland, fitina and hitika, an inland journey ; moe, to sleep, moena and moeka, a bed. The latter suffix, ka, frequently takes a vowel- sound, i or e, before it, for euphony, as tau, to arrive, tauika, an arrival. M. Garcia POLYNESIAN GRAMMAR. 275 gives also tia and tina, as formatives, but no examples of their use. He mentions also the particle ana, as being used to distinguish the present tense, but it is uncertain whether we are to consider it a nominal suffix (from ago), or a locative particle. DIRECTIVE PARTICLES. § 58. The verbal directives are words which are postfixed to verbs, to signify the direction in which the action is supposed to proceed, — either with respect to its place of origin, or to the place of the speaker. These particles are most accurately distinguished in the Tongan. They are five in number, mat, atu, aye, liake, and hifo. Mai signifies motion or action towards the speaker, — atu, motion towards the person addressed, — aye, towards a third person, — luike , upwards, and hifo, downwards ; tola mai kiate au, tell me ; teu tola atu kiate koe, I will tell you ; tala aye kiate ia, tell him ; alu /take, go up ; alu hifo, come down. The Samoan has also five particles, but employs them somewhat differently from the Tongan. Mai indicates motion or action towards the speaker, — atu, from the speaker, — ane, motion aside, — a'e and ifo, upwards and downwards ; examples of ane are, alu anc e tau ane i ai, go and tell him ; ia papai ane i latou le tafatafa o lona ofu, that they might touch the border of his garment. In New Zealand, there are but four particles, mai, atu, ake, and ifo, — ane not being found. These four are used as in the Samoan. In Rarotongan, the directives are mai, atu, ake, and io. Ake, besides its meaning of upwards, seems also to take the place of ane in Samoan ; at least, it is used in many cases where the former meaning will not apply ; as riri ake ra tonapu iaia, his master was angry with him ; kite ake ra aia i te reira, he knew that. The directives are used with great frequency in this and the following dialects, and in many cases, to ap- pearance, arbitrarily, where no motion or direction of the act can well be understood. In Mangarevan, the particles are the same as in Rarolongan ; ake, besides its ordi- nary meaning, is used to signify that an act is now in progress towards completion, — as e moro ake ana, it is drying ; e rai ake ana, it is becoming large. They also say, noea koe ake nei, whence come you ? In Tahitian, Hawaiian, and Nukuhivan, the directives are mai, atu, ae, and iho; ae signifies direction either upwards or aside, according to the context. LOCATIVE PARTICLES. § 59. While the last-mentioned particles show the direction in which the action is supposed to move, there is another class which indicate the locality or vicinity in which it is considered to take place, — whether near the speaker, or at a distance. Their use, how- ever, is not always clearly defined, and it is generally impossible to render them into English. Some of the dialects employ them much more frequently than others. 276 PHILOLOGY. In Samoan, nei (here), na (there), are in common use, — as aufai atu nei iate outou, I say unto you ; faauta i ou soo na, behold thy disciples ; le demoni i o outou atalii e tuli na, the devils whom your children cast out. Na, it would seem, generally denotes a point near the person spoken to. La is sometimes used after an imperative, as in New Zealand ; Mr. Heath, however, considers it a contraction of the emphatic adverb lava, — as tau mua la ia, just go straight forward ! In the Tongan, I find no particles employed precisely in this manner. It differs in this respect, as in many others, from its sister dialects. In New Zealand, nei (here) and ana (there) are the particles most frequently used, — as e mea atu nei ahau kia koutou, I say unto you ; aru ana raua ia ia, they followed him. Ra is used after the imperative, and in some instances after other moods, when a supposition is intended ; it may also have some reference to place at a little distance from the speaker ; aru mai ra ia hau, follow me ! kia rite katoa na ano, till all be fulfilled ; kua royo ra koutou, ye have heard. In Rarotongan, the locative particles are nei, ra, na, and ana. Nei and ra are both in frequent use, the former signifying here, and the latter there; and as an action which is present in place is usually so in time, and as one which is distant is more likely to be past, these two have come to be also connected with tense, — the former being used with the present, and the latter generally, though not always, with the past [v. § 52]. Na (yonder) as signifying a greater distance in space than ra, signifies also a greater distance in time ; te tuatua nei au, I say (here) ; te tuatua ra au, I was saying (there) ; i tuatua na au, I said (yonder). This distinction, however, is not always maintained with strictness. Ra is used frequently as an emphatic word, without reference to place or time, and may be translated but, indeed, only ; te tuatua atu nei ra au kia koutou, but I say unto you. Ana is sometimes used, though it is difficult to say with what pre- cise meaning ; kua riro mai ana a Elia, Elias has come ; ka momono ana i taau koke, put up thy sword. In Mangarevan, nei, ara, na, and ana are the locative particles. Nei, ara, and na, seem to be used much as nei, ra, and na, in Rarotongan. Ara, according to the voca- bulary, indicates distance both of place and time. Ana is given with several meanings : (1) as a particle of present time, — as e pure ana koe, thou prayest; (2) as meaning perhaps ; — naku ana ra, — na te tayata ke ana ra, it is perhaps mine, — perhaps the other man's ; and (3) as used in answering a question, as e atipa tai te Ruapeka, is Ruapeka a reef (breaker of the sea) 1 e koutou ana ia, [no ;] it is a point of land. The Tahitian uses nei, ra, and na, precisely as the Rarotongan. In Hawaiian, nei indicates present place and time ; la, a distance in place, and some- times, though not always, in time. In Nukuhivan, nei and na are used as nei and la in Hawaiian. It will be seen that the use of nei remains nearly or quite the same in all, while na, la (ra), ana, and ara are somewhat variously used in the different dialects, though, in general, they may all be considered correlatives of nei. RELATIVE PARTICLE. & 60. This name has been given to a particle which in many cases supplies the place of the relative pronouns in English, though POLYNESIAN GRAMMAR. 277 frequently it cannot well be translated. It usually refers to some word in the first part of the sentence, expressive of time, place, cause, means, manner, &c. In most of the dialects this particle is ai, — in Rarotongan ei. Judging from the Samoan and Tongan, the proper meaning of ai is there, and in these languages it frequently has prepositions before it. It then answers very well to the English expressions " therefrom," " thereof," " therein," used for " of it," " of them," " of him," " from it," " in it," &c. It may also be compared with the French y. O le itu ei ai o outou oa, lit. the place is there thy wealth, i. e. the place wherein thy wealth is ; letasi no, i ai taleni elima, the one whereunto were five talents, i. e. he who had five talents ; fai atu i ai, say unto him or them, or say thereunto. In Tongan, ai evidently signifies there, as lea ne tuku ki ai, and he placed there ; but it is frequently used as a relative, — as o tio atu mai he botu oku ke tu ai, and look away from the place thou standest there (where thou standest) ; ae ydhi mea oku mofanoyo ai, the things ye listen thereto (for, the things which ye hear); kohai ia e fd-behe ai, who is he whereby it can be said (for, who is it that can say). In New Zealand, ya pa i meiga ai, the towns wherein was done ; te mate e aiwi ai kotttou, the death which ye receive ; i mevyatia katoatia tenei kia rite ai, and all this was done that might be fulfilled thereby, &c. In Rarotongan, te mea i viivii ei te tayata, the things whereby the man is defiled ; e acre atu ra koe ki te pae roto, e titiri atu ei, but go thou to the shore of the lake, and throw therein. In the Mangarevan, the missionaries have perhaps mistaken the office of this particle. In the vocabulary ai is said to be used after a verb (having e before it) as a future particle, and at the end of a phrase as interrogative. No examples are given. In Paumotuan, karia kakuenei taua e karo ai, by and by, to-day, we two will then fight : here ai refers to the adverbs of time, karia kakuenei, but it is easy to see how it might be mistaken, as in Mangarevan, for a future particle. Eaha tau warare e wii mai ai koe kiaku, what is thy desire for which thou art hostile to me ? — here ai refers to warare, but it might readily be taken for an interrogative. In Tahitian, Hawaiian, and Nukuhivan, its use is the same as in the examples already given ; it does not, however, take a preposition before it, as in Samoan and Tongan. In most of the dialects, when this particle follows a word terminating in a, it frequently coalesces with it ; as, te tanata matamua i hanaia'i e te atua, Haw., the first man who was made by God : here hanaia is the passive of hana, to make, and the 'i (for ai) refers to tanata, and supplies the place of the relative who. ADVERBS. J 61. It should be observed, however, that any adjective may become an adverb, by being used after the verb. The same words mean good and well, — bad and badly, — weak and feebly, &c. Cer- tain classes of adverbs, however, deserve particular notice. 70 27g PHILOLOGY. § 62. In Samoan and Tongan the causative particle faka or fa' a is frequently used to form adverbs. Samoan,— -fa'agatasi, with one accord ; fa'a-vavau, without end (vavau is far back, ancient). Tongan,— -fakakeviki, backwards (keviki, a crab) ; fakatoa, bravely (toa, brave, a warrior). This usage is less common in the other dialects, but is not entirely unknown. When prefixed to names of countries, this particle, in these two dialects, means — after the fashion of, — as, fa'a-Toria, faka-Fiti, Tonga-fashion, Feejee-fashion, (a la mode de Tonga.) In Mangarevan, a is used in the same way ; as, rere a Mayareva, to jump as in Manga- reva ; also with common nouns, — as, tere a pahi, to move like a ship. $ 63. The negatives vary much in the different dialects, and have several peculiarities deserving of attention. In Fakaafo, se (or he) was used for not, — as, e se ki matou iloa, we do not know ; e se ai ni niu, not any cocoa-nuts. Ai-ala, tai-ala, kai-ala, were all used for no ; the cda is probably an expletive. In Samoan, le is the negative particle used both with verbs and adjectives, — as, 'tou te le sao, ye shall not enter ; le sala, not guilty, guiltless ; with ai, it becomes le ai, not, none, — e le ai se tayata, there is not a single man. E le ai is the common expression for no, in answer to a question. In Tongan, ikai is the general word for no and not ; tai is used before nouns in the sense of the English suffix less, — as, tai-abi, houseless, — tai-hala, sinless. Teeki means, not yet. In New Zealand, the words for not are kore, hore, kihai, and te. Kore is commonly used in the present and future, preceded by e ; hore has generally ka before it, and is used for the ordinary negative, no ! or, it is not ! Kihai is only used with the preterite. Te is used with any tense, and is prefixed to adjectives, participles, &c., — as, te-mamae, not hurt ; te-ahei, not able. Kore is also used in the sense of the English less, or without, — as, hara-kore, sinless, — rawa-kore, without property, poor. Etiara signifies, it is not ; kiano, not yet. In Rarotongan, the negatives are kare and kore ; the former is usually found in the past and present, followed by the preterite particle i; the latter in the present and future. Kore is also postfixed to verbs in the sense of the English un-, and to nouns in the sense of less, — as, orei-kore-ia, unwashed, from orei, to wash ; ara-kore, sinless. In Mangarevan, kore is the usual negative, and is added to nouns as in New Zealand and Rarotongan,— as, pare-kore, without a hat. Te is used as in New Zealand,— as, te-niano, not powerful, — te-motu, not broken. The Tahitian has many negatives, and distinguishes them into classes according to the time or tense with which they are connected ; aore, aima, aina, aipa, aita, are used only with the past ; e ere, e ore, e etc, are used with the present : and e ore, eima, eina, eita, with the future. The difference between these various negatives is not very clear, except that aipa seems to include an idea of doubt or contingency, — as, " perhaps not." Ore POLYNESIAN GRAMMAR. 279 is used after nouns and verbs like kore in Rarotongan, — as, hara-ore, guiltless, — horoi- ore-hia, unwashed. In Hawaiian, aole and ole ; the former is the general negative ; the latter is the suffix, and may be added to almost any adjective, common noun, or verb in the language. The Nukuhivan, besides akoe (or a'oe) and koe, has also auma, no, used as a strong negation. \ 64. A certain class of adverbs, expressing the relations of place, are treated as nouns, (except that they do not take the article,) and have a preposition both before and after them ; they then correspond in meaning with the English prepositions, above, below, before, behind, within, without, &c. Samoan : — i totonu o le lotoa, within the field (in the midst of) ; i luya o le sami, upon the sea. Tongan : — i lalo i lie ata, below the firmament ; i oluya i he ata, above the firmament. New Zealand : — i waeyanui o ya ware, between the houses ; i mua i te pa, before the town. In Rarotongan, those of these adverbs which end in a have o suffixed to them, and take besides another preposition, — as, ki ruya (adv.) above, on high, — ki ru-gao i te are, upon the house ; ki mua, in front, — ki muao ia Jesu, before Jesus. In Tahitian, tei frequently precedes them, — as, tei roto i te fare, within the house. In Hawaiian, ma, as maloto o te hale, within the house. This ma is also employed in Nukuhivan, as well as i. In this dialect the adverb is followed by hi or fie, as ma una hi moena, upon the bed ; i una hi foe, over the house ; i oto hi hue (C), within the cala- bash ; i oto he ani (G), in heaven. $ 65. Nearly all the interrogative adverbs are formed from fea, which seems to mean properly which. [V. § 42.] With the prepositions, fea refers to place, — as, i fea, Sam., where 1 (i. e. at which place ?), — maifea, whence? &c. With pe, like, it refers to manner, — as, pefea,faapefea, like what, — i. e. how ? — the answer to which is, penei, pena, pela, like this, like that, i. e. thus, so. With the signs of the tenses fea has reference to time, as, afea, when? (fut.), nafea, when ? (post.) These, or similar words, are found in all the dialects. In Tongan, fea becomes fe ; in Rarotongan and Mangarevan, ea ; and in the other dialects, hea ; fea, however, is sometimes used in Tahitian and Nukuhivan. \ 66. All the dialects (except perhaps the Tongan) have particles, whose office is to give an interrogative meaning to the sentence, like the ne and num of the Latin. In Samoan, this particle is ea, — as, na 'e iloa ea, dost thou know ? 'o ai ea le tayata, who is the man? The New Zealand dialect has commonly ianei or ranei ; the Rarotongan, aina ; the Mangarevan, ai (?) ; the Tahitian and Hawaiian, ami; and the Nukuhivan, ienei. 280 PHILOLOGY. PREPOSITIONS. § 67. Most of the prepositions have been already given in the remarks on the declension of nouns. The following list contains nearly all which are found in the several dialects. Samoan : a, of; e, by ; 'ei, in, at ; i, in, by ; 'i, to, into ; ma, with, for, on account of; mat, from (place) ; nai, from ; o, of. Tongan : a, of; aki, with (inst.), by means of; e, by; i, in, at, by ; ki, to, into ; ma, for ; mei, from ; mo, with ; o, of. New Zealand : a, e, ki, i, o, as in Tongan ; kei, at, with, in ; ma, mo, for ; mai, from ; me, with ; na, no, of, from, by. In Rarotongan : a, e, ki, i, o, as above ; ei, at, in ; tei, in ; kio, with, chez ; ma, with ; mei, from ; na, no, of, for. In Mangarevan, besides the first five of the Rarotongan, eki, with, by means of; io, with, chez ; ma, for, from ; me, with ; mo, of, for, from ; na, no, of, from. In Tahitian the same as in Rarotongan, except 'i for ki, mai for mei, and 'io for kio. In Hawaiian, a, e, i, 'i, o, as in Samoan ; 'io, to, with ; ma, at, in, — by, by means of; mai, from ; me, with ; na, no, of, for. In Nukuhivan, a, e, ki (or 'i), i, o, as in the foregoing ; 'io, to, with ; ma, at, in ; mei, from ; me, with ; na, no, of, for. CONJUNCTIONS. § 68. The conditional conjunctions if, that, lest, &c., have already been mentioned in treating of the verb. As for the rest, the Poly- nesian makes but sparing use of them. It seems, however, to have had originally two conjunctions signifying and, — the one uniting nouns and the other verbs ; the former was probably ma, and related to the preposition with; the latter was a vowel. In Samoan, o is and and or, but only with verbs ; ma, with, means also and, and is used with nouns, adjectives, and numerals. In Tongan, o is used as in Samoan ; mo is the other connective, except with the numerals, with which ma is used. Bea, which properly means also, is often used to con- nect sentences and clauses of a sentence. In New Zealand, a is used for connecting verbs and clauses of a sentence, ma with numerals, and me (with) with nouns. The latter, however, is rarely used ; to express " the father and the mother," they say, " the father the mother ;" " the house of Peter and John," is " the house of Peter of John." In Rarotongan, e is the general connective with both nouns and verbs ; ma, however, is used with the numerals, and sometimes with nouns, — as, te vaine ma te tamariki, the woman and for with] the children. In Mangarevan, me signifies both with and and; e seems to be used as the general connective. POLYNESIAN GRAMMAR. 281 In Tahitian, e is the general word for and ; ma is only used with the numerals. In Hawaiian, a connects verbs, a me nouns, ma numerals, and occasionally proper names. Me properly signifies with. In Nukuhivan, c connects verbs, and me (with) nouns ; ma is used with the numerals. INTERJECTIONS. § 69. The interjections are not very numerous. The only one which merits notice is aue, which seems to be peculiar to the Poly- nesian, and is found in all the dialects. It is used to express grief in all its shades, from a slight feeling of regret or sympathy, to the wildest and most clamorous lamentation. It is constantly heard in their wailing for the dead ; and as each vowel can be drawn out to a great length, with a variety of tones and modulations, it has often a singularly dismal and even painful effect upon the listeners The word is also used both as a noun, meaning sorrow, regret, sympathy, and as a verb, signifying to grieve for, to lament. SYNTAX. § 70. Most of the rules of construction have been anticipated in the preceding sections. From the lack of inflections in these dialects, these rules are necessarily few and simple. The following are the most important which remain to be noticed. $71. Almost all the words in these idioms, which are the names of things, qualities, or actions, may be used at pleasure, either as nouns, adjectives, verbs, or adverbs, their acceptation being deter- mined by the context and the accompanying particles. In Samoan, we have, for example, fulvfttlu, a feather, — ua fulufidu ka manu, that bird is feathered ; namu, musquito, — ua nanm le fale nei, this house is infested with musquitoes (lit. is musquitoed) ; so loi, ant, — ua loia, is anted; po, night, — ua poyia, it is flighted, — for night is come. Alu vave, go quickly ; ua vave mai le toua, let war hasten hither. Halue, to work ; tayata galue, a laboring man. Tayata ayasala, a sinful man ; latou e ayasala, they who sin ; a outou ayasala, your sins. In Tongan, efiafi, evening ; bea efiafi ai, and it was evening. Mamao, far off; fonua mamao, distant country ; ke mamao ia, that it may be far. Lotti kehe, another religion ; taTfota lotu, a religious man ; teu lot.u, I will pray. In New Zealand, rakau, a tree, — ka rakautia, lit. it is tree'd, i. e., it has become a tree. Takirua, double, — takiruatia, doubled. In Tahitian, mahana, day, — ua mahanahia, it is dayed, i. e. day has appeared. In the Hawaiian, an example given by Mr. Andrews shows in a strong light this 71 282 PHILOLOGY. peculiarity of the Polynesian tongues : if a person is relating that he had on some occa- sion, avowed himself to have done an act, he would say " owau atu la hoi au," " I I-ed to him," for " I told him that it was I ;" the pronoun owau is used as a verb, which is denoted by the directive and locative particles atu la, here translated " to him ;" hoi means properly also, but is employed often as a mere word of affirmation, like indeed, verily. Another example is " owai ta mea papule ie o outou?" " who has a straw hat among you ?" where papale-ie, straw hat, is used as a sort of compound verbal adjec- tive,— who is the straw-hatted person among you ? § 72. When the nominative to a verb is a pronoun, it frequently precedes the verb ; when it is a noun, it more commonly follows. In the latter case the usual order of the words is — first, the sign of the tense, or affirmative particle (or, in its place, some conjunction, or connecting adverb, or interrogative) ; — secondly, the verb ; — thirdly, the qualifying adverb ; — fourthly, the verbal directive ; — fifthly, the locative particle; — sixthly, the relative particle; — seventhly, the nominative, with or without the article before it. It should be observed, however, that the relative and locative particles are rarely used together. Te huhu roa mai nei te atua, Haw., God is very angry ; ua fai atu ai letasi tayata, Sam., a certain man said thereupon. § 73. By a peculiar construction, these languages frequently use an oblique case in the place of the nominative. Samoan : E a latou e fasi oti iate ia, and they shall kill him (theirs it shall be to kill him). E a Heroda na ia taqft Joane, Herod had seized John (Herod's it was to seize John). E moni o lau tefai atu nei au iate outou, verily I say unto you, — here all that follows lou is considered as a noun with which lou agrees, and the sentence might be rendered " true is my saying to you ;" the repetition of the au, for I, in the latter part of the sentence is merely for emphasis, and might be dispensed with. Tongan : ko eku tola mooni atu kiate kimoutolu, verily I say unto you (my true speaking unto you is, &c.) In this language, however, the construction does not pre- vail to the same extent as in the others. New Zealand : maim ana anahera e mea, he shall tell his angels (of him it shall be to tell his angels). Man e koropiko, thou shall worship (lit. thine to worship). Maim ratou e wakaora, he healed them. Heaha ta koutou e tu mayere, why stand ye idle ? (wherefore is your standing idle ?) Ai a ratou e haere atu ana, and when they went (and at their going). Rarotongan : na ratou e tapa iaia kia Emanuela, and they shall call him Emanuel (theirs it shall be to call, &c.) Ko taau e tapa atu ko Jesu, thou shall call him Jesus (thine to call him Jesus). E naau i tuku mai iaku, and thou gavest me (thine it was to give me). Tahitian : na Heroda hoi i tapea ia Joane, for Herod had bound John ; nana efaaamu i tou nei taata, he shall feed my people. Hawaiian : na te atua i aloha mai itote ao, God so loved Ihe world ; (to te ao is here POLYNESIAN GRAMMAR. 283 un elliptical form of expression for te mea o te ao, or to te ao mea, the things of the world [v. § 71] ; this omission of a word which will be understood from the construction is not uncommon in these languages). As an instance of striking resemblance in forms between two widely separated dialects, we find that in Samoan, " what I tell you," is translated sa'u mea efui atu iate outou (lit. my things to tell to you), and in Hawaiian, " what I have commanded you," is ta'u mea i kauoha atu ia outou (my things to have com- manded you). Nukuhivan : na te puaa e uhu i te epo, the pig roots in the earth ; e kai taau, I eat. § 74. In most of the dialects the dual and plural pronouns perform the office of conjunctions in connecting proper names and words sig- nifying persons. In New Zealand, Pareha raua ko Hara, Pharcs and Zara (lit. Phares they two Zara). Hura ratou ko ana teina, Judah and his brethren. In Rarotongan, Mose raua ko Elia, Moses and Elias. In Mangarevan, Petero raua ko Paulo, Peter and Paul. In Hawaiian, Adamu laua o Eva, Adam and Eve. If you observe to a native, " I am going to the town," instead of saying, " I will go with you," he merely says "taua," " we two," i. e. we will go together. THE FORMATION OF WORDS. § 75. Words are very frequently formed by the duplication of single words. No general rule, however, can be given on this point. There are many words which are never doubled, — others which are never found except in this form. Sometimes a noun by being doubled becomes an adjective; but frequently the duplication, whether of nouns, verbs, or adjectives, gives only an intensitive or frequentative force [v. H 27, 46]. Sometimes the doubled word has an entirely different meaning from the single. Examples of these cases are, — lolo, Tonga, oil, — lolololo, oily ; poka, Rar., stone, — pokapoka, stony. Fitafita, Sam., strong (fita, — no meaning). Layo, Sam., a fly, — layolayo, to lean upon. Boto, Tong., wise, botoboto, round. § 76. A sort of adjective with a passive sense is formed from many verbs by prefixing ma. Samoan : sae, to tear, — masae, torn ; saa, to spill, — masaa, spilt ; tula, to loose, matala, loosed, freed. Tongan : fohi, to strip, peel, — mafohi, stripped off (as bark) ; feti, to break, mafeti, broken. New Zealand : riyi, to pour out, spill, — mariyi, spilt ; rere, to go, depart, marere, gone. Rarotongan : vete, to loose, to open, — mavete, opened ; yaro, to hide, mayaro, hidden. Tahitian : heu, to open, — maheu, opened ; tara, to loose, matara, loosed. 284 PHILOLOGY. Hawaiian: hola, to spread, — mahola, spread out, extended ; mm, to spill, — manini, an overflowing. In Samoan this particle is used very frequently, in Hawaiian rarely. In Rarotongan it is sometimes changed to ija, and in Hawaiian to na, — as, ae, Rar., Juie, Haw., to tear, — paae, Rar., nahae, Haw., torn. This prefix ma serves to form some nouns (or rather adjectives which are used as nouns,) — as sina, Sam., white, — masina, the moon (i. e. the white object) ; lama, a torch, to give light as a torch, — malama, Sam., light, brightness, — and in Hawaiian, the moon. § 77. There are, in the different dialects, various affixes which are joined to words, sometimes to alter their meanings, or as intensi- tive particles, but often with no perceptible force. Samoan : iau, — as, milo, to twist, — taumilo, to jostle ; tai, to guide, direct, — tautai, to pilot or steer ; tola, to tell, — tautala, to speak to ; veil and tauveli, both meaning to tempt. Taufai, — as po and taufaipo, both meaning to strike — the latter, perhaps, to strike frequently; tayi, to weep, and taufaitayi, to lament (said of several); a*i, na?i,fa}i are occasionally postfixed to verbs, — as lafo, to throw, — lafoa'i, to throw away ; ao and aaa'i to teach ; ao and aofa'i, to collect. Tongan : tau, — as, alo and taualo, to paddle. Aki, laki, naki, -gaki, taki, used as suffixes, apparently conveying the idea that the act denoted by the verb passes from the agent to a distance, or over a considerable extent, or to a number of people, — as, li, to throw, — liaki, to throw away ; tufa, to divide, — tufaki, to share out, distribute ; ako, to teach, — akonaki, to preach ; totoyi and totoyaki, to throw stones, &c. New Zealand: pu, — as, wera, hot, — puwera, lukewarm; one and onepu, sand (pu as a separate word means earnestly, strongly, intently) ; putahi, of one source or origin ; putaki, the trunk of a tree ; pu-toitoi, a bundle of the grass called toitoi, [This pu may be connected with the Tongan fu, Viti, vu ; v. § 26.] Ko, — as, akiri and kokiri, to throw ; piko and kopiko, curved. Rarotongan : tau, — as, maro, strong, — laumaro, to strive ; turu, to help, — tauturut to minister to. Pu, — as, roto and rotopu, within, inside ; pu-maana, lukewarm, from maana, warm. Hawaiian: au, (perhaps from the collective particle kau or 'au ; v. \ 14) signifies, in some compounds, a collection, — as, autanata, a people, nation (from ta-nata, man) : auwaa, a cluster of canoes ; aumatua, a class of ancient gods ; but it frequently has no definite meaning, — as, amo and auamo, to carry ; — mihi and aumihi, to repent. O, as milo and omilo, to twist ; pili, to stick, be close, — opili, to contract as in the cramp. Po, — as, maitai, good,—pomaitai, fortunate, happy ; ino, bad, — poino, afflicted ; pilitia, crowded close, narrow, — -popilitia, distressing, difficult. § 78. In some of the dialects the words easy and difficult are joined in a peculiar manner to the verb, so as to form in pronuncia- tion but one word. In Samoan, these words are yofie, easy, and yatd, difficult : they are suffixed to the verb and pronounced with it, — as fai-yofie, easy to do, fai-yatd, hard to do ; sao-ijofie, easy to enter, sao-yatd, difficult to enter. In Tongan, yofua, easy, and yatd, hard, — as, fai-yofua, easy to do ; fai-yatd, hard to do. POLYNESIAN GRAMMAR. 285 In Rarotongan, yoie and jwto,— as, rave-yoie, easy to do, — rave-yata, hard to do ; akad-yoie, easy to enter, — akao-igata, hard to enter. In Mangarevan, the vocabulary gives parua, reprimanded, corrected,— probably the passive of paru, to correct, — and paru-yata, incorrigible, — i. e. difficult to correct. In the other dialects, this form seems not to exist. In Tahitian, difficult is taiata, — the latter part of which may possibly be connected with -gata. § 79. In compound words the Polynesian differs from the English in placing the governed or qualifying word last : instead of sea-coast, it has coast-sea; instead of kind-hearted, heart-kind; instead of swift- sailing, sail-swift, &c. Samoan : lau-ulu, hair (lit. foliage of the head) ; sele-ulu, scissors (hair-cutters, or rather, head-cutters). Tua-sivi, the back-bone, means, therefore, not as in English, the bone of the back, but the " back of the bones" — i. e. of the skeleton. Tongan : Manava-tii, fear (little-breath) ; fale-buaka, pig-sty ; tufuya-ta-maka, a mason (lit. artisan cutting stone, — or a stone-cutter). New Zealand : mata-rayi, the horizon (edge of the heavens) ; tu-kau, naked (lit. standing merely, or without addition). Rarotongan : -gutu-pa, door (lit. mouth of the wall) ; maya-nui, many (great bit). Mangarevan : mate-kai, hunger (wanting food) ; rima-rau, united labor of many people in a work (lit. two hundred hands). Tahitian : taJui-tai, sea-coast ; papai-parau, scribes (writers of words). Hawaiian : hatu-aina, landholder (lit. lord of land — landlord) ; loto-maitai, kind (lit. good-heart, or good disposition ; loto is not found separately with this sense in the Ha- waiian, but it exists in the Samoan) ; tani-uhu, to lament, from tani, to cry, and uhu, grief; ai-tanata, man-eater. Nukuhivan : vai-tafe, river (running water) ; papua-moa, hen-coop (enclosure of fowls). Most of the proper names of the islanders are compound words, frequently with whim- sical significations, — as, Tai-ma-le-layi (sea-and-sky) a chief at the Navigator islands ; Pomare (night of coughing) formerly king of Tahiti ; Tau-i-te-ao-idi (suspended in the blue heavens), name of the present king of the Sandwich islands. The grandfather of this king had the name of Ta-lani-tupu-a-pai-ta-lani-nui, which seems to mean, " the sky increasing, and striking the great heaven." LANGUAGE OF CEREMONY. $ 80. The Samoans are a remarkably ceremonious people, and very attentive to the forms of politeness. This peculiarity appears in their language, which abounds in terms of salutation and compliment. Besides alofa, or talofa, (love,) which is common to most of the Poly- nesian islands, they have particular expressions according to the time of day : Ua usu mai, — is the morning salutation ; Ua laina mai, — at noon ; Ua alala mai, — in the evening. 72 286 PHILOLOGY. Ua mai ! is the address to a person entering a house ; and when he takes leave, they say "e alu oe?" do you go? The words expressing thankfulness, faafetai and faamanu, are used on receiving any present, and usually accompanied by the motion of raising the article to the head. A native will not do any act, or speak any word which might be considered rude or unbecoming, without first saying, vaeane ! which may be rendered " excuse me !" or " by your leave !" But it is in addressing their chiefs that the Samoans are particularly careful to mani- fest their respect by their language. There are many terms in the common idiom, which it is considered improper to employ in speaking to or of a person of rank, and their place is supplied by other words of the same signification, which are never used but on such occasions. Sometimes there are distinct words for the different grades of chiefs, and those who are careful to speak the language correctly will never address a high chief with the terms appropriated to those of lower rank. Thus the salutation to a common man, on entering a house, is, as above stated, ua mai, you have come ; to a tula-fale, or house- holder, it is ua alala mai ; to a low chief, ua maliu mai ; to a high chief, ua susu mai ; to the sovereign, ua afio mai. Afio, meaning to come or go (like ahi) is used also in speaking of a deity ; ua maliu, gone, is used for all ranks to signify dead. In the speaking of the canoe of an inferior chief, they would say — ua silafia ea k vaa ? is the canoe in sight 1 — of a high chief, it would be, ua taular/ia ea le vaa 1 Tofa and td'a both mean to sleep, the latter of a high chief, the former for one of low rank ; — they are also used for a parting salutation in the evening, — tofa ina soifua, sleep, that you may live ! Tausami signifies to eat, applied to a landholder, — taumqfa to an inferior chief, and taute to a superior. It is probable that the different words for sickness and dreaming in the following list, also appertain to different ranks. arm to come, go son daughter belly head to bathe wife dream face, eye sick hair to dream ; vision in good health house to come, to go ; dead EREMOMAL. COMMON. Aao lima Afio; alala alu Alo tama Alqfafine dfafine Alo mandva Ao; layi ulu Faamalu 'au'au Faletua avd Falepo miti Fofoga mata Faatqfa; i)ase~gase ma'i Lau-ao; lau-layi lau-ulu Li'a miti Matafitafi malolo Maota fale Maliu alu; oti CEREMONIAL. COMMON. Malcifita ala Pulupulusi ma'i Ua poidayia mai ua alala mai Sisila ; passive, silafia matamata, iloa Ua sautia mai ua usu mai Soya tautua Soisoi ata Susu sou, alu Soifua ola Suafa iyoa Tdtna fase oti Ta'alolo sasa'e Toasd ita To" a; tofd moe Tausami 'ai POLYNESIAN GRAMMAR. 287 to awake sick evening salutation to see morning salutation servant to laugh to come to live name to kill to disperse anger to sleep to eat Taiimafa " " Taute " " Taula, pass, taulayia matamata, tioa to see Tulci tala,fa'i to speak The dialect of Tonga has also several words of ceremony, but not so many as the Samoan. Some of these have synonyma, which are especially used in addressing the "divine chief" Taitonga. The following list was obtained from two high chiefs of Tonga, Tuiiou Tautai and Tubou Latike, whom we met at the Feejee islands. It will be seen that several of them are the same as the corresponding terms in Samoan. CEREMONIAL. TUITONGA. COMMON. alio taka aa to awake alo folia son fofoya layi mata face huafa kiyoa name ilo taumafa kai to eat mamata taka tio to see mea haere hau, alu to come, go moui lelei well, not sick ofai hala mate dead teyitayi buluhi mahaki sick toka ' tofd moe to sleep In the other dialects of Polynesia there is nothing of this description. The Tahitian has, indeed, some expressions which are used with a peculiar, metaphorical meaning, when applied to the sovereign. " His houses were called the aorai, the clouds of heaven ; anuanua, the rainbow, was the name of the canoe in which he voyaged ; his voice was 4 thunder ;' the glare of torches in his dwelling was denominated lightning, &c. When he passed from one district to another on the shoulders of his bearers, they always used 2gg PHILOLOGY. the word mahuta, signifying to fly."* This figurative style of speaking is not the same with the ceremonial dialect of Samoa and Tonga, though both may have originated in the same feeling. It is, however, a point of interest to inquire whether there are any traces in the dialects of Eastern Polynesia, from which we may infer that the language of deference was in use previous to the departure of the Tahitian and other colonists. A careful examination shows the existence of many indications of this sort. The word fqforja, in Samoan, signifies the face of a chief; in Tahitian, it would become kohoa, and this is the word by which the term image has been rendered in Matt. xxii. 20 : novai te hohoa, &c., — " whose image and superscription is this?" Lfa is the Samoan word of ceremony for to dream, — a vision; in Hawaiian, it means to think, ponder. Soisoi is to laugh; in Hawaiian, hoihoi means pleased, gratified, joyful. Soya, signifying the servant of a chief, is per- haps the origin of the word huya, which in New Zealand means the lower class of people, and uya, which, in Rarotongan, signifies a tenant. Taumafa, in Samoan, is to eat, said of a common chief; in Tongan, it is applied to Tuitonga, to whom divine honors are rendered ; in Hawaiian, taumaha is a sacrifice (i. e. the food or eating of a god.) From these examples it appears that though the language of ceremony is not used as such in the dialects derived from the Samoan (a fact which may be readily accounted for from the great equality which would prevail among the colonists and their immediate descendants), yet several of the words have been retained with the same or similar meanings in the ordinary language. CEREMONIAL NEOLOGY. § 81. The Tahitians, besides the metaphorical expressions already noticed, have another and a more singular mode of displaying their reverence towards their king, by a custom which they term te pi. They cease to employ, in the common language, those words which form a part or the whole of the sovereign's name, or that of one of his near relatives, and invent new terms to supply their place. As all names in Polynesian are significant, and as a chief usually has several, it will be seen that this custom must produce a considerable change in the language. This change, however, is only temporary, as at the death of the king or chief the new word is dropped, and the original term resumed. Vancouver observes (Voyage, vol. i. p. 135) that at the accession of Otu, which took place between the visit of Cook and his own, no less than forty or fifty of the most common words, which occur in conversation, had been entirely changed. It is perhaps to be regretted that the missionaries, in their translations, have employed many of the new terms, which would otherwise have had only a temporary currency, and thus made them permanent. * Ellis's Polynesian Researches, vol. iii. p. 37. POLYNESIAN GRAMMAR. 289 Some further explanations with regard to the extent and character of these alterations will not be out of place. 1. It is not necessary that all the simple words which go to make up a compound name should be changed. The alteration of one is esteemed sufficient. Thus in Po-mare, signifying " the night of coughing," only the first word, po, has been dropped, mi being used in its place. So in Ai-mata (eye-eater), the name of the present queen, the ai has been altered to amu, and the mala retained. In Te-arii-na-vaha-roa (the chief with the large mouth) roa alone has been changed to maoro. 2. But this alteration affects not only the words themselves, but syllables of similar sound in other words. Thus the name of one of the kings being Tu, not only was this word, which means to stand, changed to tia, but in the word fetu, star, the last syllable, though having no connexion, except in sound, with the word tu, underwent the same alteration — star being now fetia; tui, to strike, became tiai; and tupapau, a corpse, tiapapau. So ha, four, having been changed to maha, the word aha, split, has been altered to amaJui, and murihd, the name of a month, to muriaha. When the word ai was changed to amu, maraai, the name of a certain wind (in Rarotongan, maragai) became mara-amu. 3. The mode of alteration, or the manner of forming new terms, seems to be arbitrary. In many cases, the substitutes are made by changing or dropping some letter or letters of the original word, — as hopoi for hapai, to carry in the arms ; ene for hono, to mend ; au for tau, fit ; hio for tio, to look ; ea for ara, path ; vau for varu, eight ; vea for vera, hot, &c. In other cases, the word substituted is one which had before a meaning nearly related to that of the term disused, — as tia, straight, upright, is used instead of tu, to stand ; pae, part, division, instead ofrima, five ; piti, together, has replaced rua, two, &c. In some cases, the meaning or origin of the new word is unknown, and it may be a mere invention, — as qfai for ohatu, stone ; pape, for vai, water; poke for mate, dead, &c. Some have been adopted from the neighboring Paumotuan, as rui, night, from ntki, dark ; fene, six, from hene; avae, moon, from kawake. It is evident that but for the rule by which the old terms are revived on the death of the person in whose name they entered, the language might, in a few centuries, have been completely changed, not indeed in its grammar, but in its vocabulary. Of the ten simple numerals, five are different from what they were in the time of Cook, — as : ORIGINAL FORM. PRESENT FORM. tahi tahi one rua piti two toru toru three ha maha four rima pae, five ono fene six hitu hitu seven varu vau eight iva iva nine ahuru ahtiru ten 73 ESSAY AT A LEXICON OF THE POLYNESIAN LANGUAGE. As in the preceding Grammar an attempt has been made to deduce, from a comparison of the various dialects, the general principles of the primitive language to which they owe their origin, it has seemed proper to complete, as far as possible, the view of that language, by bringing together, from the different vocabularies, those words which, from the fact of their existence in several dialects, may reasonably be supposed to have formed a part of the original Polynesian idiom. It is evident, from the nature of things, that such a collection cannot be complete, and that it must be liable to errors. Some words may be found in two or three dialects, — as, for example, in those of Eastern Polynesia, — which never formed a part of the primitive tongue, but have come into use since the separation of the Tahitians from the original stock. On the other hand, each dialect has, no doubt, pre- served some words of the parent language, which have been lost in all the others, and which we have, therefore, no means of distinguishing from such as are the peculiar property of the dialect. Our materials, moreover, for such a work, though probably more ample than any that have been before collected, are yet very imperfect. When com- plete dictionaries of all the dialects shall have been formed, no doubt the number of words common to all, or to the greater number, will be materially increased. It is believed, however, that this Lexicon con- tains the mass of those vocables which constituted the primitive wealth of the Polynesian speech. It comprises the terms for all the most common objects, qualities, and acts, and would probably furnish a 292 PHILOLOGY. sufficient vocabulary for the purposes of ordinary intercourse among a semi-barbarous people. The plan of the Lexicon will be readily understood on inspection. The primitive or radical form of the word (or that which is considered to be such) is first given in large type, and then the variations in form and meaning which occur in the different dialects are added, together with the most important derivatives. Some difficulty has been found, occasionally, in the determination and arrangement of the latter, and it is not likely that in all cases the disposition which has been adopted will be found to be correct. Some words may have been referred to a common source, which are really from different roots, and, in other cases, the thread of connexion uniting apparently distinct terms may not have been perceived. In many instances, it will be seen that the primitive form of the word is not found in our vocabularies, but has been deduced from a comparison of the variations. In such cases, a note of interrogation is affixed, which must not be understood, in general, as implying a doubt of the correctness of the deduced form, but merely an uncertainty with respect to its actual existence. Thus, for example, we have in Samoan sii, meaning " to lift up," and in Tongan hiki ; the former dialect has no k, and the latter no 5; hence there can be no doubt that the original form of the word was siki, which is, accordingly, given in the vocabulary. The dialect of Fakaafo, and probably also that of Niua, have all the elements, and a full vocabulary of one of them would therefore be extremely desirable, as it would probably present us with most of the words of the Polyne- sian language in their primitive completeness. Thus, in Satnoan, saa, and in Nukuhivan, haha, signify " to dance ;" the ground-form must therefore be saJca, which is accordingly found among the words obtained by us at Fakaafo. The brief vocabulary given by Schouten of the language of Cocos Island (Niua-tabu), the first ever published of any Oceanic dialect, affords us, in the word for "beads," or rather " necklace" (casoa), the original form of the Samoan asoa, and the Tongan kahoa. In some few cases, however, the radical form is really doubtful, the variations not being such as to give a clue to the word from which they are derived. Thus hohonu, which, in the dia- lects of New Zealand, Tahiti, and Hawaii, signifies " deep," may be a corruption of sosonu, or of fofonu, either of which would, in those dialects, assume that form. In some instances, words of the Vitian, Rotuman, and Tarawan dia- lects (all of which are partly of Polynesian origin) have been intro- POLYNESIAN LEXICON. 293 duced by way of illustration ; but it did not enter into the plan of the work to make any reference to other languages of the Malay family. Had this been done, many terms which are here given as primitives, would have been referred to still simpler roots. Thus there is little doubt that the words mahaki, sick, mataku, fear, and atua, god, are derived from the Malay sakit, takut, and tuhan. In the Lexicon, however, the Polynesian is regarded as a primitive speech, and the simplest form in which any word occurs in it is considered the ground-form. Thus, in onr own tongue, the root of the word discern- ment is not properly the Latin cerno, but the English discern. Less attention has been paid to the particles, numerals, and pro- nouns, than to words of other classes, as the former have been already given in the Comparative Grammar, and their nature and connexion more fully elucidated than would here be possible. It will be suffi- cient, therefore, to refer, in each case, to the sections of the Grammar, in which these explanations will be found. The abbreviations employed in the Lexicon are such as will be easily understood. Fak., Haw., Mang., Nuk., N. Z., Pau., Rar., Sam., Tah., Tahu., Tar., Tong., signify, respectively, the dialects of Fakaafo, Hawaii, Mangareva, Nukuhiva, New Zealand, Paumotu, Rarotonga, Samoa, Tahiti, Tahuata, Tarawa, and Tonga. Ubiq. (for ubique) means " throughout Polynesia," or, in all the dialects, (of course, with the regular permutation of letters, as given in the Grammar, $ 9.) Sam. et cat. (Samoa et caetera) signifies "the Samoan and the rest of the dialects." Pron., adv., prep., part., stand for pronoun, adverb, prepo- sition, particle. The mark (qu. ?) indicates that the origin, or mean- ing, of a word is doubtful. 74 POLYNESIAN LEXICON. A, Tah. Rar. Mang., a particle prefixed to nouns and pronouns. (Gram. § 11.) A.) prep., of. (Gram. § 18.) A, N.Z. Haw., conj., and. (Gram. § 68.) A, pron., what? (Gram. § 42.) A, N.Z. Tah. Haw., an expression to de- note protracted time, continuance of an action, &c. A, Sam. Tong., a fence. Kau-a, Tong., aua, Tab., an enclosure. Afd, Sam. Tong., awa, N. Z., £avd, Viti, a hurricane, a storm ; avaava, Tah., to be disturbed by a storm, as the sea ; awaawa, Haw., a mist, spray. Afe, Sam. Tong., a thousand. (Gram. §30.) Afi, Sam. Tong., ahi, N.Z. Haw. Nuk., ai, Rar. Mang., auahi, Tah., fire. Afidfi, Sam., efiafi, Tong., ahiahi, N. Z. Tah. Haw. Nuk., aiai, Rar. Mang., evening, (perhaps so called from the custom of lighting fires at that time.) Afo, Niua, Tong., ako, N.Z. Haw. Nuk., cord, twine. Ai, pron., who? (Gram. § 42.) Ai or ei, relative particle. (Gram. § 60.) Ai (?), ai-ala, kai-ala, tai-ala, Fak., no ; ikai, Fak., ikai, tai, Tong., kihai, N. Z., not ; aita, aima, aina, aipa, Tah., aie, aima, Nuk., no, not. AltU, Sam. Rot., maitu, Pau., a spirit. Aka, Tong. Rar. Mang. Nuk., a'a, Sam. Tah. Haw., waka, Viti, Tar., root of a plant. Akl, Tong., eki, Mang., prep., with, (inst.), by means of. Aki, Rar., still, fair, as the weather; fa'i, Sam., to speak, tell ; fai, Nuk., hai, Tah. Haw., aki, Rar., to tell, confess. 75 FaM (l),fa'i, Sam., to pull down, to de- stroy, — to extricate ; waki, kowaki, N. Z., to pluck, break off, pull up ; hai, Tah., to break off; hai, uhai, Haw., to jerk, pull out, break off, or in pieces, — to deliver from bondage ; fafai, pofai, Nuk., aki, Rar., to pluck, to gather, as fruit. Faki (?), fa\ Sam., ffi, Tah., the plan- tain. Fala, faa, hara, &c., ubiq., the pandanus odoratissimus. Falafa, Sam. Tong., talele, Haw., to lean upon. Farara, Tah., arara, Rar , to beat upon, as the wind, to strike against. Fale, fare, foe, ware, hale, hare, are, ubiq., house. Faliki, Tong., wariki, N. Z., arikiriki, Rar., halii, Haw., to spread on the ground, to spread a mat, to make a floor. Farii, Tah., ariki, Rar., to receive, hold, contain, — a vessel for holding liquids, a bottle. Falulu (?), haruru, N. Z. Tah., aruru, Rar. Mang., halulu, Haw., a loud noise, the roaring of the wind, the noise of surf, &c. Fana, Sam. Tong., to shoot ; aufana, Sam., bow and arrows ; fana, Tah., ana, Rar., a bow; fana, Nuk., to bend. Pana, Haw. Nuk., a bow, — to shoot with a bow ; N. Z. Haw. Nuk., a fillip with the finger. Fana (?), fefanafana, Tong., hawana- wana, Haw., to whisper ; fanaya, Tong., a fable, a fictitious tale; wa- naya, Haw., a prophecy, to preach ; vanana, Nuk., a religious ceremony, to sing hymns. Fana, Sam. Tong., vand, Viti, dnea, Tar., a mast of a vessel, hana, Haw., the middle post of a house. 298 PHILOLOGY. Fana, Nuk., warm in affection or anger, ardent ; mqfana, Sam. Tong., ma- hana, N. Z. Tah. Haw., mehana, Nuk., maana, Rar. Mang., hahana, Haw., warm, hot. Hana, Pau., maha,na, Tah., the sun. Hanahana, Tah., hanohano, Haw. Nuk., bright, splendid. FanaU, wanau, hanau, anau, ubiq., to bear, bring forth, — born. Fano, Fak. Tah. Nuk., wano, N. Z., to go, proceed, sail (as a ship). Fano, Sam., by stages ; hanuu (qu. hanu?), Haw., stairs, steps up an ascent. a, Sam. Tong., wenua, N. Z.,fenua, Tah. Nuk., hernia, Pau., enua, Rar. Mang., honua, Haw., earth, land, country. (?), fafa-ga, Sam. Tong., wayai, N. Z., /toai, haamu, Tah., ayai, Rar. Mang., hanai, Haw., fanai, hakai, Nuk., to feed, nourish. Faya, Tong., ohana, Haw., nana, Tah., a brood, flock, family. Ofaya, Sam., owaya, N. Z., toaya, Rar., o/oa, Tah., punana, Haw., nest of a bird ; hoo-punana, Haw., to brood over ; punana, Nuk., to lie in wait, — an ambush. (?), /« (qu. faa?), Tah., Haw., to appear, come in sight ; mata- faya, Sam. Tong., shore, beach (i. e. the front or edge appearing to a voyager). (?), fafayo, Tong., to whisper, — fayofayo, to blow the nose, also a flute blown by the nose; wayo, N. Z., a groan ; hano, Haw., the asthma. Fao, fafao, Sam., to collect things, and put them in order ; fao, fafao, Tong., faa, Nuk., hao, hahao, Haw., ao, Mang., to put in, to fill up, to load. Fao, Fak., a spike, a nail ; Tong., a peg ; hao, Tah., a nail, chisel ; hao, Haw., iron, a horn. Fad, Sam. Tong. Nuk., hao, Tah. Haw., do, Rar., to take things with violence, to plunder. Fast, and fafasi, Sam., to open, to break open ; va£i, Viti, to cut ; fahi, Tong., wahi, wawahi, N. Z. Haw., vahi, vavahi, Tah. Nuk., vavai, Rar., to divide, rend apart, break open ; fasi, Sam., a fragment, portion ; fahi, Tong., a class or division of men ; wahi, N. Z. Haw., vahi, Tah., a part, portion. Fast, Sam., pehi, pepehi, Nuk., pepehi, Haw., to strike, beat, kill. Pehi, Tah. Haw., pel, Rar., to pelt with stones. Fata, Niua,fatafata,Tong., Tikopia, the breast, chest. Fata, Sam. Tong. Nuk. Tah., wata, N. Z., ata, Rar. Mang., a shelf, scaffold, table, altar, &c. ; hata, Haw., a ladder. Fati, Sam. Tah. Nuk., feti, Tong., u-ati, N. Z., hati, Haw., ati, Rar. Mang., to break ; fati, Tah., wati, N. Z., ati, Rar., to break and flee, as an army ; fati, Sam., ati, Mang., to break, as waves. Watiaya, N. Z., atiya, Mang., hatina, Haw., a fragment, piece. FatU, Sam. Tong. Tah. Nuk., to fold or roll up ; fatu, Tah., hatu, Haw., to tie feathers on a plume or fly-brush ; wat,u, N. Z., to weave by hand, to work on a mat. FatU, Sam. Niua, Fak., a stone ; Sam., seed, the heart; Tong., the stomach (?) : watu, N. Z., hail, kowatu, stone ; atu, Mang., seed ; hatu, Haw., a hard lump of any thing, the tongue of a bell ; pohatu, Haw., poatu, Rar. Mang., vatu, Viti, a stone. Fatu-titili, Sam. Tong., fatutii, Nuk., atutiri, Mang., watitiri, N. Z., patiri, POLYNESIAN LEXICON. 299 Tab., Jietili, Haw., thunder (qu. thun- der-bolt, stone thrown ?). FdtU, Tab., hatu, Haw., atu, Rar., lord, master. Fail, Sam. Tong. Nuk., the hibiscus tilia- ceus, a tree from whose bark the natives make their twine; hence, to tie, to bind ; au, Mang., to bind ; fau, Tong. Fak., frontlet, wreath for the head, cap ; Tab., cap, helmet. Vau, Viti, the hibiscus, — also, the cinc- ture worn by the women, which is made from its bark ; fau, Fak., pan, Haw., the cincture worn by the women. FaU ([),faufau, Tab. Nuk., unclean, foul, bad ; haumia, Haw., unclean, impure, to defile. Fe, fea, hea, &c., ubiq., which ? where ? when ? (Gram. §§ 42, 65.) Fefe, Sam., wehi (qu. u-ehe ?), N. Z., hohe, Haw., afraid, fearful. Fife, Sam., a disease producing swelled limbs, a kind of elephantiasis ; Nuk., elephantiasis, — an ulcer, boil ; wewe, N. Z., helie, Haw., an ulcer, a boil. Feke, Tong. Nuk.,_/£'e, Sam., he^e, Haw., the squid. Fele (?), fee, Nuk., to strangle ; hele, pa- hele, Haw., a noose ; werewere, N. Z., to hang, suspend. Fetu, Sam. Tong. Nuk., wetu, N. Z., etu, Rar. Mang., lietu, hetia, Tab., Jietu, hetika, Pau., hotu, Haw., a star. Fia, Sam. Tong. Fak., hia, Haw., to wish, want, desire ; fiafia, Sam., de- sire ;fiefia, Tong., pleasure, joy, pride; hiehie, Haw., neat, good, lively ; ieie, Rar., neat, elegant. (Gram. § 54.) Fill, Sam. Tong., wiri, N. Z., iri, Rar., to choose. Fill, Sam., an enemy, or rather an oppo- nent at a game, an adversary whom one selects to contend with. Fili, Sam., fii, Tong., faufii, Nuk., firi, Tab., iciri, N. Z., hili, Haw., to plait, to braid. (See Vili.) Ofili, Tah., owili, Haw., to roll up, twist. Filinaki (?), u-irinaki, N. Z., irinaki, Rar., hilinai, Haw., to lean upon, — hence, to trust in. Filo, Sam. Tong., twine, thread ; fo, Nuk., hilo, Haw., iro, Rar., to twist, — thread, twine. Fejiloi, Sam., iroi, Rar., awili, will, Haw., to mix, mingle. [It is deserving of remark that Jili, filo, milo, mino, and vili, although, accord- ing to the principles of Polynesian etymology they must be considered distinct words, yet show, both in sound and meaning, a degree of resemblance which cannot be considered accidental. The same may be remarked with re- gard to other words, such as fasi and vase, fele and sele, fisi and fose, kapu and sapo, kave and lave, kole and soli, kosu and asu, fulu and mulu, neke, peke, seke, and teke, peka and teka, lema and semo, li and ti, lua and pita, &c. This resemblance must be ascribed to the natural tendency, in all languages, to represent similar ideas by similar sounds.] Finaydlo, Sam. Tong., hinayaro, N. Z., ina-garo, Rar. Mang., hinaaro, Tab., hinanao, hinakao, Nuk., will, desire. Fio (?), wio, N. Z., vivio, Mang., hiohio, Pau., to whistle; hio, Haw., eructa- tion,— hiohio, " to draw in the breath as if eating a hot potato." Fisa (>.),fiha, Tong.,vi£a,Viti,jia,hia,M, Sam. et caet., how many? how much? Fisi, Sam., ihi, Haw. Nuk., to peel. Fisi (?), fihi, fihifilii, Tong., to entangle, entwine ; wi (contracted from u-ihi, Gram. § 4), wlwi, N. Z., rushes ; also, to be entangled in rushes ; flfl, Tah., ti, Rar. Mang., entangling, ensnaring ; hihi, Haw., the running, branching, 300 PHILOLOGY. and entwining of vines, — hia, hihia, entangled ; fifi, Nuk., a net of cocoa- nut fibres. Tafifi, Tab., tawiwi, N. Z., taii, Rar., tahihi, Haw., to ensnare. Fitdflta, Sam., itaita, Haw., etaeta, Tab., strong, hardy, valiant ; — itoito, Tab., ardent, bold, eager, strong. Fiti, Nuk. Fak., witi, N. Z., iti, Rar. Mang., hiti, Tab. Haw., to rise, as the sun, to appear, come. Fitiya (?), itiga, Rar., hitia, Tab., hitina, Haw., the rising of the sun, — hence, the east. Fiti, Sam. Tong., the Viti or Feejee Islands, i. e. the Eastern Land. (V. p. 176.) Fa'afili, Sam., to deceive, deny (act the Feejee) ; fakafiti, Tong., to apologize. Fiti, Sam. Tong., to fillip, snap with the fingers. Mafitifiti, Sam., restless ; mahilihiti, Haw., to spatter, flap ; mahiti, Haw., to vibrate, hop, jump; mawiti, N. Z., to hop, jump; koiti, Rar.; ohiti, Tab., to pull up, or out. Fitu, seven (Gram. § 30). Fiu, Fak. Tong. Tab., satiate, tired with, sick of; fiu, Sam., vexed, •f 0 (?), fodki, Tong., foa'i, Sam., hoawi, Haw., horoa, Tab., oroya, Rar., ore, Mang., to give. Ho, N. Z. Tab. Haw., to bring, convey, give, — homai, bring here, or give me ; hoatu, N. Z., oatu, Rar., give him. -/* 6, fofd, Sam., to doctor, to cure ; hohou- roigo, N. Z., to make peace (see logo). Sam. Tong., to burst, split open, be broken; oa, Haw., to burst forth, as a swollen stream ; to split, as a board or log. -T 06, Tong., a ball, a lump, — one, whole ; hoe, Tab., single, only, one, — tehoe, a, an, one (indef. art., Gram. § 12) ; poe, N. Z., a ball ; poe, Haw. Nuk., a com- pany, collection, cluster, sign of plural (Gram. § 14); poepoe, Haw., round, globular; Rar., mass, substance, size. Poe, Tab. Rar. Mang., a pearl. Foki, Fak. Tong., /o'z, Sam., hoki, N. Z. Pau., hd'i, Tab. Haw., oki, Rar. Mang., to return, — (adv.), again, also, indeed. Fold, fofola, Sam. Tong., hora, hohora, N. Z. Tab., hola, hohola, Haw., hohoa, Nuk., to spread out, unfold. -T OlttU, Sam. Tong., volau, Viti, parau, Tar., to voyage, — a vessel of any kind, a fleet ; farau, Tab., halau, Haw., a canoe-house, a shed under which canoes are kept. Fold, Sam. Tong., horo, N. Z., hordmi, Tab., oro, oropu, Mang., to swallow. JT OHO, Sam. Tong., a council, public as- sembly. Fono, Sam., hono, N. Z. Haw., ono, Rar., to mend, as a garment or net ; fono, Tong., to inlay carved work. Fonu, Sam. Tong., honu, Tab. Haw. Nuk., onu, Mang., a tortoise. Fo~g(l, or fu-ga, Sam., top, surface, top- knot of hair, flower of a plant ; fuija, Tong., surface, top, summit ; fofo-ga, Sam. Tong., head, face, features, used only in speaking of a chief; hohoa, Tab., image, likeness. Fose (?),/oAe,Tong., voSe, Viti, hose, Rot., foe, hoe, oe, Sam., et caet., a paddle, — to paddle, row. Fose (T), fohe, Tong., voSe, Viti, hore, Tab., hole, Haw., to peel, strip. Fotd, Tong., hota, Haw., to press. -T Otu (?), fotu-manava, Tong., the right auricle of the heart ; hotu te manava, Nuk., to draw the breath ; hotu, Haw., asthma (see manava andfatu.) Fou, hou, ou, ubiq., new, recent, — again, anew. Fu, Tong., hu, N. Z., to pull up. Futi, Sam. Tong., hiiti, N. Z. Tab. POLYNESIAN LEXICON. 301 Haw. Nuk., uti, Rar. Mang., to pull, draw up, pluck. Fu (?), fufu, Tong., vuni, Vit., huna, N. Z., Tab. Haw., ima, Rar. Mang., hide, conceal (see no). Fu, Tong., great, whole, entirely,—;/^, all, every, universally, wholly, — hua,, Tab., ua, Rar., earnestly, strongly, entirely; fua, Sam., merely, only, without cause, without success ; pu, Rar., earnestly, strongly, — authority, source of power, master ; pu, N. Z. Nuk., strongly, absolutely, especially, merely, only; Tab., whole, alto- gether ; Haw., together. Fua, Sam. Tong., hua, N. Z. Haw., ua, Rar., huero, Tah., vua, Viti, iva (or ua), Tar., fruit. Hua, N. Z. Haw., to sprout, grow, bear fruit ; fua, Sam. Tong., uai, Mang., to begin. F ua, Tong., the shape ; huahita, N. Z., likeness, similitude, — ahua, looks, ap- pearance,— waka-ahua, to pretend, feign ; aiahua, Haw., to be a hypo- crite. F ua, Sam., hua, Haw., envious, jealous. Fue (?), fuefue, Sam., a species of wild vine ; hue, N. Z. Nuk. Haw., pohue, Tah., the gourd, convolvulus Brazili- ensis. Fuke (?), fu'e, Sam., huke, N. Z., to take food out of an oven ; hue, Haw., to unload a ship. Fula, fufula,, Sam. Tong., huhua, Nuk., to swell, swollen. Fuli, huri, huli, uri, hui, ubiq., to turn or roll over, — upset. Fulu (?), fufulu, Sam. Tong., vuluvulu, Viti, pulu, Haw., to wash ; pupu (qu. pupuu?), Nuk., to rinse. Fulu (?), fulufulu, huruhuru, huluhulu, uruuru, huuhuu, ubiq., the short hair of the body, fur, feathers. 76 Fulu, ten (Gram. § 30). -T WSZ, fusifusi, Sam., to bind, to tie, as a bundle or sheaf; hui, N. Z., to gather, — huihui, N. Z., hui, Haw., to unite, assemble ; huitahi, Haw., girded, belted. Fuifui, Tong., a flock of birds ; huihui, Haw., a bunch, applied to vegetables ; hui, Tah., ui, Rar., a company, class, sign of plural (Gram. § 14); lahui, Haw., rahui, N. Z., a company, a collection of people ; kahui, N. Z., a flock, a herd ; Nuk., a bunch of fruit. Fusu, Sam.,fuhu, Haw., boxing ; a pugi- listic contest ; huhu, Haw., angry. Futa, Tong., to boast, vaunt,— -femafuta, to strive together, contend ; mafuta, Sam., mahuta, Tah., to rise up ; ma- hula, Haw., to flee away. Futi, Tong. Fak. Tikopia, vundi, Viti, banana. FuyO (?), vuyo, Viti, a child-in-Iaw, — vei- vu-goni, the relation of child and parent- in-law. Huyoni, N. Z., Nuk., ogoai, Rar., hooai, Tah., hunoai, Haw., a parent-in-law. Hunaoya, N. Z., unoya, Rar., hunoa, Tah., hunona, Haw., Nuk., a child- in-law. H By referring to the Grammar it will be seen that the letter h is not one of the ori- ginal elements of the Polynesian speech, but is a variation either of * or f. A few words, however, must be given under this initial, until further investigations shall de- termine to which of these radical letters (s or/) they properly belong. Hererei, Pau., erei, Mang., eei, Nuk., cocoa-nut. Hohonu, N. Z. Tah. Haw. Nuk., oonu, Rar. Mang., deep. 302 PHILOLOGY. , N. Z. Nuk., hoo, Tab., oko, Rar. Mang., to buy and sell, to trade. Holua, Haw., to glide down hill on a sledge : horue, Tab., to swim in the surf, to float. Hope, N. Z. Tab. Haw. Nuk., ope, Rar. Mang., end, extremity, hinder part. HoupO, Nuk., oupo, Mang., the heart; houpo, Haw., the thorax, the region of the heart, — palpitation of the heart. Huhu, N. Z., uu, Rar., a moth ; kuhu, Nuk., an insect of the bee kind. Hukahukd, N. Z., to last, endure ; uka, Mang., firm. Hume, Pau., a girdle ; malo, Haw., to bind round the loins as a girdle. Humu, Nuk., to bind tight ; Haw., to sew cloth, to fasten together. HupO, Haw., hupehupe, Tab., savage, barbarous, ignorant. HulU, a species of tree, — at Tab. and Nuk., the Barringtonia speciosa ; at N. Z., the Phyllocladus trichoma- noides. I /, a particle prefixed to the accusative case (Gram. § 22). /, part, sign of past time (Gram. § 52). /, prep, in, by (Gram. § 23). Id, pron., he, she, it, &c. (Gram. § 39). Ifi, Sam., Tong., to blow with the mouth. Ifi, Sam. Tong. ihi, Nuk., a species of chesnut (see lota). Ika, Va, ubiq., fish. Ike, Nuk., Mang., i'e, Sam. Haw., ikeike, Tar., mallet used in beating out bark- cloth ; ike, N. Z., to bruise bark. Ila, Tong., ira, N. Z., ia, Nuk., ilaa, Haw., a mole, mark on the skin. Hi, Sam., iri, Viti, ii, Tong., a fan (see tahi). Ilo, Sam. Tab., to know, perceive, see. Fakailo, Tong., fa'ailo, Sam., to show, announce, betoken ; hooiloilo, Haw., to predict evil. Fakailonga, Tong., fa'ailonga, Sam., akairo, Rar., akaironga, Mag., Jioai- lona, hailona, Haw., a sign, token, mark, trace; wakairo, N. Z., to carve (i. e. to mark). Ho, Haw., in, Tab., io, Nuk., a maggot. Ina, if, that ; sign of conditional and sub- junctive moods (Gram. § 53). Inu, ubiq., to drink. lyoa, Sam. N. Z. Rar., hiyoa, Tong., ikoa, inoa, Nuk., inoa, Haw., ioa, Tab., name. 10, Sam. Tong. Fak., yes ; Haw., true, real. Ipu, Sam. Nuk. Tong., a cup; Tah. Mang. Haw., a calabash, a cup. 1SU, ihu, iu, ubiq., the nose. ltd, Sam. Tong., maita, makita, Rar., anger, angry. Iti, iliti, Sam., iti, tl, Tong., iti, Tah. Haw. Nuk., Tgiti, Rar., small ; iliiti, Mang., child, infant. Teiti, Haw. Mang., a child ; toiti, Nuk., a boy. Kuiti, N. Z., oiti, Rar., haiti, Haw., narrow. K Ka, 'a, verbal particle. (Gram. §§ 50, 53.) K.QJCI, ''a/a, kaha, 'aha, kaa, ubiq., (ex- cept N. Z.,) sinnet, or cord braided from the husk of the cocoa-nut ; ''aha, Haw., a prayer supposed to be strong in holding the kingdom together, as sinnet is strong in binding; kaha, Nuk., a charm or spell, N. Z., strength, power, — strong. Kajika(l), kahika, Nuk., ahia, Tah., ohm, Haw., native apple, — (eugenia Malaccensis.) POLYNESIAN LEXICON. 303 Kafu, Niua, kofu, Tong., 'ofu, Sam., kahu, N. Z. Pau. Nuk., kau, Rar. Mang., Wt«, Tah. Haw., clothing, — to clothe ; kafn, Tong., bed-coVering. Kahi, takahi (qu. ?), N. Z., takahi, Nuk., toA-ai, Rar. Mang., taa/w', Tah., teehi, tiahi, held, Haw., to tread, tram- ple, stamp with the foot. Kdi, 'ai, ubiq., to eat. Fia-kai, Tong., fia-ai, Sam., hia-kai, N. Z., desire to eat, hunger ; hia-ai, Tah., thirst. Kaiya, N. Z. Mang., 'aipa, Sam., a, Haw., enough ; rawa, N. Z., a remainder, — to the utmost, — exceedingly; leva, Tong., thereupon, indeed. Lava (?), fa'arava, Sam., tarava, Rar., a beam in a house, a rafter; kaava, Nuk., a round log serving as a beam along the front of a house. 78 Lavakai(l), ravakai, Rar.,rat>aai,Tah., lavaia, Haw., avaika or avaia, Nuk., to catch fish, — a fisherman. Lam, Haw., rave, Tah. Rar., rawe, Pau., ave, Tong. Nuk., to take, to take away. Laveai, Sam., to protect; rave, Tah. Rar., to do. Le, ele, Sam., kore, hore, N. Z., kore, kare, Rar., ore, ere, Tah., o&, Haw., koe, Nuk., no, not. (Gram. § 63.) W or ^M, Sam., efu, Tong., rete, N. Z. Tah., ra«, Rar., fe&w, Haw., ehu, Nuk., ashes. P«e£w, N. Z., dust,— to fly as dust; puehu, Tah. Haw. Nuk., pueu, Rar., scattered, blown about like dust. Rehu, Tah., two hundred thousand ; lehu, Haw., four hundred thousand. (Gram. § 30.) Lei (?), /mi, Viti, &/«, Sam. Tong. Fak., good. Leka (?), reka, N. Z., rekareka, Rar. Mang., rearea, Tah., feo&a, Haw., reAz, Viti, pleasant, delightful, joyful ; eka, Nuk., melodious, pleasing to the ear. Taulekaleka, Tong., poea, Nuk., hand- some (applied only to men) ; taulealea, Sam., a young man ; taurekareka, N. Z., a captive, a slave. Lek, Sam. Haw., rere, N. Z. Tah. Rar. Pau., to fly ; lele, Tong., to run. Lelea, Sam. Tong., to drift away ; rerea, N. Z., to depart. Felelei, Tong., to run together, or in com- pany ; farerei, Tah., to meet. Wakarere, N. Z., quickly, immediately ; akarere, Mang., thereupon, straight- way. Marere, N. Z. Mang., to perish, to pass away. Karere, N. Z. Rar., elele, Haw., a mes- senger. Lemo, Sam., to drown ; malemo, Sam., 310 PHILOLOGY. peremo, Mang., drowned ; palemo, Haw., to sink into the water ; paremo, Tab., peemo, Nuk., slippery. Lemu, Tong. Viti, Haw., the buttock ; remit, N. Z. Rar., the skirt of a gar- ment. Leya, Sam., eya, Tong., reya, Rar. Viti, Una, Haw., lea, Tab., ena and eka, Nuk., turmeric, — yellow paint. Reya, N. Z., the secretions of the eye, — rer/areya, a yellow lily. Leo, Sam. Tong., to watch, guard. Leo, Sam. Tong. Haw., reo, N. Z. Tah. Rar., voice. Lea, Tong., to speak ; reko, Pau., lan- guage. Lepe, Haw., epeepe, Nuk., the comb of a cock. LepO, Haw., repo, N. Z. Tah. Pau., epo, Nuk., earth, dirt. Lepa, Sam., muddy, stagnant; Tong., a well. Leu (qu. ?), pareu, Tah., kareu, Rar. Pau., &O«M, Nuk., cincture, dress of the women. Lewa, Haw., suspended, pendulous, — the upper region of the air, — a flag, streamer; reva, Tah. Mang., the over- hanging firmament, — Mang., a flag, a tent ; rewa, N. Z., the eyelid ; eva, Nuk., to droop, to hang down, — a flag, — the red flesh hanging from a fowl's neck, &c. Lewa, Sam., reva, Tah., eva, Nuk., a tree, the galaxa sparta. Lt, Tong., to toss, throw, — liti, to fling with force, — liaki, to cast away, aban- don ; tule or tulei, Sam., to throw, to drive, — lia'i, to root up ; lei, Haw., to rise up, to lift up, — hoo-lei, to cast away, reject ; akiri, N. Z., to throw, dart ; kiriti, Mang., to turn, shake, throw ; kiriti, Rar., iriti, Tah., to lift up, to draw out; kokiri, N. Z., to spring up; oili, Haw., to ascend. (See also tili.) Li, Haw., to hang by the neck, to strangle, — lite, to gird, bind about ; ri, Rar. Mang., to tie, bind ; sail, Sam., tied, made fast ; tali, Haw., tari, Mang., to tie on. Lid, Sam., a dream, a vision, — used in speaking of a chief; Haw., to ponder, meditate. Lici, Tong. Haw., ia, Nuk., a nit, — the egg of an insect. Lid (?), lialia, Tong., rihariha, N. Z., riria, Mang., disagreeable, hateful ; lialia, Viti, foolish, absurd. Lika (?), rikarika, N. Z. Rar., riaria, Tah., abominable. LlKCt, (?), lilia, Sam., giddiness, fear from being on a height ; lia, Haw., shaking or trembling through fear ; rika, Mang., to wake with a start. Liki (?), riki, N. Z. Rar. Mang., iki, Tong., ikiiki, Nuk., Hi, Haw., rii, Tah., niinii, Sam., little, small. Liilii, Haw., riirii, Tah., little, piece- meal, by bits. Lilt, rii, ii, ubiq., anger, angry. Fa'a-lili, Sam., to rebuke ; hd'o-lili, Haw., to question with pertness, to assume airs. LtlO, Sam., a secret ; Tong., to hide, con- ceal ; riro, N. Z. Rar. Mang. Tah., lilo, Haw., ia, Nuk., to pass from one state to another, to pass away, — gone, lost. Lima, Sam. Haw., rima, Rar. Mang. Pau., ima, Nuk., nima, Tong., liya, Viti, riya, N. Z., hand, finger. Lima, rima, ima, nima, five (Gram. § 30). Limu, rimu, imu, ubiq., sea-weed, sea- moss, sponge. Lino, Haw., rino, N. Z., a rope, cord. POLYNESIAN LEXICON. 311 , Sam. Tong., riyi, ririyi, N.Z. Rar., ii HI, Nuk., mini, Haw., nii, Tah., to pour out. MuJiyi, maritji, martini, manii, poured out, diffused, spilt. Lite, Haw., rile, N. Z., ante, Rar., like. LitO, Haw., rilo, N. Z., a bud. -LZM, Tong., riu, Ma.ng.,faliu, Sam.,fariu, Tah., ami, Rar., to turn round ; liliu, Tong., to change. Niniu, Haw., to wheel, turn as a top ; niii, Nuk., a top. Malin, Sam., to come, to go, — gone, dead (used in speaking of a chief) ; Mir/fit, Haw., to attend to, incline towards, be favorable ; mariuriu, Mang., pacific. Liu, Tong., riu, N. Z., the hold of a canoe (i. e. the part which turns), — liu, Haw., riu, N. Z. Tah., iu, Nuk. to leak, bilge-water. Lo, Tong., ro, Tah. Mang., o, Nuk., lot, Sam., rot, Pau., an ant. Lo, Haw., " a small black insect." Lo or lu (qu. ?), loo-matua, Sam., luahine, Haw., rueine, Mang., uvahine, Nuk., an old woman. Ruau, Tah., old (applied to persons). Ruhiruhi, Tah., age, — turuhe, feeble ; runiki, N. Z., old, feeble with age ; luhi, Haw., oppressed, wearied, heavy- laden. Pulusi, Sam., buluhi, Tong., sick, ap- plied to chiefs. Lohi, Haw., slow, tardy, feeble ; rohi, Tah., loi, Rar., toil, labor, feebleness from labor. Lo or lou (?), lolou, Viti, to stoop, bow down (applied to women) in mourn- ing ; tulou, Fak., Haw., tulolo, Tong., to stoop, bend, bow down. Turoro, N. Z., to be weak, infirm ; turori, Tah., to stumble, fall down. Lohu, Tong., a crook, a hooked stick ; lou, Haw., a hook. Loa, roa, oa, ubiq., long,— also, much, very, exceedingly. Loi-mata, Sam. Tong., roi-mata, N. Z. Rar. Tah., tears. Loko (?), fov», Sam., roko, Tar., to come, to happen, become ; rokoia, Rar., roo- hia, Tah., loohia, Haw., okohia, Nuk., affected by, reached, overcome by. Roko, N. Z., to find. Loli, Haw., rori, N. Z., to turn over, unfold, change. Loli, Haw., rori, Tah., holothuria, bicho da mar. Lolo, Sam., the kernel of the old cocoa- nut ; the oil expressed from it, — lololo, fat ; lolo, Tong., oil, oily ; lolo, Haw., roro, N. Z., oo, Nuk., the brain, — mar- row ; oo, Nuk., the core of breadfruit, sap. Lolo, Mang., to have the taste of, to savor of. VakaJolo, Viti, loloi, Tong., tulolo, Haw., turoro, Mang., a pudding in which cocoa-nut oil is an ingredient ; roroi, N. Z., a kind of pudding. Lomi, Idomi, Tong., to press ; lomi, Sam. Haw., romi, N.Z. Rar., ami, Nuk., to rub or press with the hand, to shampoo. Loyi (?), roi, Tah., oki, oni, Nuk., loya, Viti, bed, couch. Lo~QO, Sam., oyo, Tong., a sound, report, news ; lono, Haw., a report, news, fame. Fa'aloyo, Sam., fanoyo, Tong., royo, wakaroyo, N. Z., royo, akaroyo, Rar. Mang., lono, hoolono, Haw., faaroo, Tah., oko, ono, Nuk., uy, Tar., to hear. Lo~QO, loloyo, Tong., quiet, peaceful; hohou- royo, N. Z., to make peace. (See_/o.) Loto, Tong. Haw., roto, N.Z. Tah. Rar., oto, Nuk., the middle, centre, within. Loto, Sam. Tong., the mind, heart, dis- position. In other dialects it has this sense in compound words, as loto- 312 PHILOLOGY. maitai, Haw., good-hearted ; roto-riri, Rar., ill-tempered, angry-minded. Loto, Sam. Tong. Rar. Tab. Haw., a lake, pond. Lotod, Sam. Tong., an enclosure. (See a.) Ldoto, Sam. Tong., deep. LotU, Sam. Tong., prayer, religion. Lu, lulu, Haw., ru, ruru, rui, N. Z., lulu, Sam. Tong., ueue, Tah., to shake (act.), to scatter, to sow. Ualulu, Tong., to shake, to quake. Haruerue, Rar., earthquake. Haueue, Tong. N. Z., yaoioi, Sam., naue, naueue, ueue, Haw., aueue, ueue, Tah., oioi, N.Z. Mang., to shake, tremble, quake. lade, Haw., orure, Tah., to vibrate, rock, change about. Nalulu, Haw., nauu, Nuk., headache; mauiui, Tah., pangs, sorrows. Lua, rua, ua, ubiq., two (Gram. § 30) ; ruarua, N. Z., few. Kolua, 'olua, Jcorua, orua, koua, ye two (Gram. § 39). Tau-tulua, Sam., middle, half. Tulua o po, Sam., tuua-bo, Tong., turu- aipo, Rar., midnight. Lua, rua, ua, ubiq., a pit, an excavation. Lua, Tong., ua, Nuk., lulua, Viti, ruaki, N.Z. Mang., luai, Haw., to vomit. Luki (?), ruki, Pau., dark; rui, Tah., night. LuJcu (?), rw&w, N. Z. Mang., to, Haw., to dive. Luht, ruru, N. Z., close, hidden ; Mang., a shelter; lulu, Haw., a calm spot under a lee, to lie quietly at anchor. Paruru, Tah. Rar., a veil. Lulu, Sam. Tong. Viti, owl (qu. secret bird?). Sam., oluya, Tong., ruya, N. Z. Rar., luna, Haw., una, uka, Nuk., above, up; maualuya, Sam. Tong., high. Lupe, Sam. Tong. Fak., pigeon. LutU, rutu, N.Z. Tah. Mang., to strike, pound, beat as a drum ; lutu, Haw., to destroy, overthrow, kill. M Ma, ubiq., prep., with, at, in, by, — conj., and, — collective particle, &c. (Gram. §§ 15, 67, 68, 73.) Md, the root of the pronouns of the first person, dual and plural. (Gram. § 39.) Ma, Sam. Tong. Viti, Tar., ivakamd, N.Z., akamd, Mang., haamd, Tah., ashamed, bashful. Md, Tong. N.Z., mdmd, Sam., maemae, Haw., pale, clear, white, pure. Ma, mae, Haw., mae, Sam. Rar., maehe, Tah., to fade, wither. Faka-md, Tong., fa'a-mdmd, Sam., waka-md, N. Z., tamd, Tah. Rar., koo-maemae, Haw., to cleanse. Ma, mama, Tong., mama, Sam. Tong. Nuk., to chew, — a mouthful. Maya, Tong. Rar. Mang., mana, Nuk., a mouthful, a morsel ; maa, Tah., food. Maya, Rar., maa, Tah., a piece, portion of any thing (i. e. a bit, morsel) ; hence, maya, Rar., maa, Tah., ma, Tong., some, a portion of. (Gram. § 12.) Md, Tong. Nuk., masi, Sam., mahi, Tah., mandrai, Viti, a kind of food made of vegetables buried in the ground and left to ferment. Mahi, Tong., sour, tart. Maea, Sam. Tong. Fak. Tar., makei, Pau., a rope. Mafa (?), mamafa, Sam. Tong., taimaha, N. Z., teimaa or teiaa, Rar., teiafia, Tah., taumaha, Haw., heavy. Mafatua, Sam. Tong. Tikop., to sneeze. MajU, Sam., to heal, as a sore, — musty ; mahu, Tah. Nuk., patient, meek; POLYNESIAN LEXICON. 313 Haw., silent, indisposed to conversa- tion. Mafuna, Sam., rough ; maJiuna, Haw., the scaly appearance of the skin caused by drinking kava. Mdhaya (qu. ?), N. Z., manga, Rar., matiaka, Nuk., mahae, Tah., mahoe, Haw., twins. Mat, hither, — directive particle implying motion towards the speaker; also, mai or mei, prep., from. (Gram. §§58, 67.) Mai (?), mei, Tong. Mang. Nuk. Tar., t/i/iiore, Tah. Mang. Pau., aeiore, Haw., the breadfruit. Mai, N. Z., a species of pine, whose cones are eaten by the natives. Maile, Tong. Haw., maire, Tah., meie, Nuk., a vine similar to the laurel. Maka, Tong., ma'a, Sam., a stone; maka-ta, Tong., maka, Nuk., ma'a, Tah. Haw., a sling, — to sling; maka, N. Z., to throw. Makalili (?), ma'alila, Sam. Haw., maka- riri, N. Z. Rar. Pau., makaii, Nuk., mariri, Tar., cold. Makawe, N. Z., a hair ; maawe, Haw., a small substance, a bit of string, and the like. Maku, N. Z. Rar., ma'u, Haw., wet, moist. Makuku, N. Z., ma'u'u, Haw., moist, fresh, cool. Mala, Haw., mara, N. Z., a garden, a small piece of cultivated ground. Malae, Sam. Tong., a public square in a town; marae, N. Z., a court-yard; Tah., a sacred enclosure, a temple ; meae, Nuk., a sacred spot, usually in a grove, dedicated to a divinity ; marae, Mang., an offering of coral — (affrande de corail). Mala, Tong., misfortune ; maldia, Tong., Sam., unfortunate, wretched. Maramara, Tah. Mang., bitter. 79 Malala, Sam. Tong., charcoal. Malaya, Sam., a travelling party, — a party of chiefs making a tour; Tong., a pub- lic speech, — to preach. Maraya, Rar., maraa, Tah., to bear, carry. Malayai (?), marayai, Rar. Mang., ma- raai or maraamu, Tah., the south- east or trade-wind ; malanai, Haw., the northeast or trade-wind ; maray- ai, N. Z., the east wind. Malie, marie, ubiq., gently, softly, nicely, — calm, quiet, gentle (see ni). Maltlt, Sam., to fall spontaneously, as fruit ; Haw., stinted, withered, applied to fruit. Mdlo, maro, moo, ubiq., the girdle worn by the men around the loins. Maro, N. Z., moo, Nuk., a fathom, — i. e. the length of a rualo. Maid, Sam., hard, firm, solid, — hence, the strong or ruling party, the govern- ment; also, the tutelar divinity of a town ; maro, Rar. Mang., hard, — hence, mold, Haw., mard, Tah. Rar., mad, Nuk., moro, Mang., maroke, N. Z., dry, hard and dry, as land. Maro, Tah., to strive, quarrel. Maid, Tong., well done ! welcome ! ma- roi, Mang., welcome! Malosi, Sam., malohi, Tong., strong. Maldo, Sam. Tong., rested, refreshed, recovered from sickness ; hoo-mcdolo, Haw., to rest; maroro, Rar. Tar., strong. Malfilo, Sam. Tong. Haw., maroro, Mang., maoo, Nuk., marara, Tah., the flying- fish. Mdlu, ubiq., shade, protection (see lulu). Malu, Haw., moru, Mang., secret, hid- den. Malu, malulu, Sam., molu, Tong., maru, Rar. Tah., moru, Mang., nolunolu, Haw., maruru, Tar., malumu, Viti, soft, plastic, pliable. 314 PHILOLOGY. Maru, N.Z., broken fine; morua, Mang., going to ruin. Marumaru, Rar. Tab., bruised, mashed, beaten, conquered. Mdma, ubiq., light, not heavy. Mama, Tong. Sam. Viti, a ring. Mama, Sam. Tong., to leak; hamama, Tah. Haw., opened, agape. Mamahi (qu. ?), Tong., mamae, N. Z. Rar. Mang. Nuk., pain, ache. MamaO, Fak. Sam. Tong. Rar. Haw., far, distant. Mamari, Mang., mamai, Nuk., egg, spawn. Mana, ubiq., power, — powerful. . Mana, Tong., Tikop., thunder. Manaia, Sam., manea, Rar., mainai, Nuk., handsome ; fafa-manaia, Sam., aka-manea, Tong., to adorn. ManaJfO, Sam. Tong., to desire; ma- nako, N. Z. Rar., manao, Tah. Haw., makao, niatao, Nuk., to hope, remem- ber, think, consider. Manata, Rar., annoying, offending; Haw., disheartening, discouraging. ManatU, Sam. Tong., to remember, con- sider ; manatuya, N. Z., a memorial, keepsake. Mandva, Sam., the belly ; Nuk., the in- side ; Mang., the belly, soul, mind, conscience ; rnanawa, Haw., (in com- pounds,) heart, disposition, as manava- lea, charitable, kind-hearted. Mdnava, Sam., manava, Nuk.,the breath ; mdnava, Tong., manava, Rar., mand- wa, N. Z., breath, animal s| irits, cou rage ; manaiva, Haw., a spirit, appa- rition,— a time, season, space. Mania, Haw., maniania, Sam., the teeth on an edge, — the sensation felt in filing a saw. Mano, Sam. Tong., 10,000 ; N.Z., 1,000, Tah. Rar. Mang. Tahu., 2jQO; Haw. Nuk., 4000 (Gram. § 30). Manoyi, Sam. Rar., monoi, Tah., fra- grant. Manu, ubiq., a bird. Manufili (qu. wandering bird ?), manu- wiri, N. Z., manuiri, Rar., mamhini, Tah., malihini, Haw., ntanihii, Nuk., a stranger, visiter, guest. Manu, Sam. Tong., pain about the face ; manna, Sam., a wound. Manu, manuia, Sam., momiia, Tong., happy, fortunate, prosperous. Mdnumdnu, Sam. Tong., covetous. Maya, mayatuapa, Sam. Tong., mana, manamana, Haw. Tahu., maka, ma- kamaka, Nuk., arnaa, Tah., — a branch, the barb of a hook, &c., branching, forked. Maya (?), fakamaya, Tong., fa'ama-ga, Sam., to open wide, as the mouth ; mayai, N. Z., the mouth. Mayalo, Sam., manalo, Haw., fresh, sweet, as water ; mayaro, Mang., mild, affable. Mayeso, Sam., itchy, itching ; maneo, Haw., an itching, pricking pain, — the taste of pepper; also, meneo, Haw., to tingle, itch ; meyco, Mang., bitter, stinging ; mayo, Mang., bitterness, chagrin, mortification ; maneoneo, Nuk., titillation, sensation of being tickled. Mango, Sam., dry; tai-mayoa, Mang., low tide (dry sea). Mayo, mano,mako, mad, ubiq., a shark. Mao, Haw., to fade, as a decaying plant, to corrupt ; maoa, N. Z. Tah., to ripen, to be completed — ripe ; mo- moho, N. Z., to ripen. maoi, Sam., mooni, Tong., true ; maoli. Haw., maoi, Nuk., true, real, — indigenous, native; maori, N. Z., maoi, Mang., indigenous, native ; ma- ori, Mang., civilized. POLYNESIAN LEXICON. 315 Maori, Tah., mart, Rar., really, indeed, merely, only. Mapu, Sam. Nuk., mabu, Tong., to whistle ; nuipuea, Sam., to sigh. Masa (?), mafia, Tong., mafa, Viti, empty ; mamasa, Sam., mamaha, Tong., low water, shallow. Malta, Tah., quiet, appeased, satisfied, comforted ; Haw., to rest from labor, hoo-maha, — to be satisfied. Masaki (?), mahaki, Tong., maki, Rar., Mang., ma'i, Sam. Tah. Haw., sick. Maki, Nuk., a sore. MiikiiniiLt, Nuk., ma'ma'i, Tab., to desire, long for (i. e. be sick for). Masi (?), mahi, N. Z., to work; maki, Haw., yaohi, tauhi, Tong., to culti- vate, till the soil. JudSOn, Sam., mahoa, Tong., arrow-root (tacca pinnatifida). Masui (?), mahui, Tong., mahue and maue, N. Z., to leave, to abandon, flee from ; maue, Tah., to fly. Mata, ubiq., face, eye, front, edge. Matamata, Sam., mamata, Tong., to see. Mata-pd (night-eyed), N. Z. Mang. Tah. Haw. Nuk., mata-ivi (bone-eyed), Sam., blind. Mata-riki (little eyes), N. Z. Mang., mata-rii, Tah., mata-lii, Haw., mata- iki, Nuk., the Pleiades. Mata-hiti, Tah. Haw., mata-iti, Rar., a year (the rising of the Pleiades, which marks the commencement of the year). Kamata, Tong., amata, Sam., timata, N. Z., haamata, Tah., akamata, Mang., hoomaia, Haw., to begin. Mata-ainana (qu. ?), Haw. Nuk., the common people, the lower classes. Mataku, matd'u, ubiq., afraid. Matau, ubiq., fish-hook. Mate, ubiq., to die, to be hurt, ill, sick. Mate, matemate N. Z. Mang., Haw. Nuk., to wish, desire, long for (i. e. to be dying for). Mate, Sam., to suppose, explain ; Tong., to conjecture. Matikuku and matiao, N. Z., matikao and maikao, Pau., maikuku, Mang., Nuk., w«i£«o,Tikop., ma?n'u,maiao, Tnh. Haw., finger-nail (see kukit). Matolu, Tong. Haw., maforu, N. Z. Mang., matou, Nuk., thick. Matu, Haw. Pau., to run off, to flee. Mau, ubiq., fast, firm, fixed, constant ; to obtain, hold fast, adhere, remain fixed. Mau or mow (?), moil, Mang., a hill, mound ; hence, mau or mou, a col- lective particle (Gram. § 14). Mauga or mouya, mauna or mouna, maita or moua, ubiq., mountain. Mau (?), maumau, Sam. Tong. N. Z., moumou, Rar., spoiled, wasted, de- stroyed ; mauna, Haw., maua, Tah., to waste. Maule, Haw., mauri, Mang., timid, fearful. Mauli, Sam., the moon ; Haw., the first day of the new moon ; maura, Mang., a season, time. Maunu, N. Z. Haw., mounu, Mang., a bait for fishing. Me, with (see ma); hence, me, N. Z., Tah. Mang. Nuk., mei, Rar., mat, Haw., like. Me, N. Z., mei, Nuk., mai, Haw., almost, near, about to (Gram. § 53). Mea, ubiq., thing. Mea, Haw., to do, to act ; N. Z., to do, to say, to think. Meika, Mang. Nuk., mei, Pau., maia, Tah. Haw., the banana. Meitakl, Rar. Mang., meitaki and meilai, Nuk., maitai, Tah. Haw., good. Melie (?), merie, Mang., meie, Nuk., com- mon, free, not tabu (perhaps from malie). Milt, Sam. Tong., to rub, stroke, smooth down. 316 PHILOLOGY. Milimili, Haw., mirimiri, Mang., to examine, as a curiosity. Milo, Sam. Haw., mio, Tong., miro, N. Z., to twist, make twine ; komirimiri, Mang., to twist ; milo, Tong., a top, to spin round. (See fili, Jilo, vilo.) Miro, Tab., mio, Nuk., a tree, the thespecia populnea ; miro, N. Z., the podocarpus ferruginea. Mimi, ubiq., miijere. Minamina, N. Z., to long for any thing ; Haw., to grieve for the loss of any thing. Mist, Sam., mihi, Tah. Haw., mii, Rar., to regret, to grieve ; mihi, N. Z., to sigh, to moan ; mii, Mang., to be offended, bear ill-will. MM, Sam. Tong., mi, Tar., to dream. Miti, Tah. Mang., the sea, — salt water. Miti, Tong., to suck ; Nuk., to lick ; Haw., to eat poi with the fingers ; mitimiti, Haw., to nibble. MOfl, ubiq., domestic fowl, hen. Moa, Tah. Rar., sacred ; Nuk., an atten- dant on the tauas or priests. Moake, Mang., moae, Haw., the east wind, the trades. MOdna, ubiq., the sea, ocean (never used, like tai and miti, for " salt water") Mohuka (qu. ?), Tong., mouku, Nuk., mau'u, Sam. Haw., grass. Moke, Mang., hidden, or lost; mo'e, Tah., to be lost or forgotten (not to be con- founded with moe, from mose). Moko, mtfo, ubiq., lizard, reptile. Moko, N. Z., the tattooing, probably from its spiral and curving figures. Mokmwko, Tong., cold (as the skin of a reptile), — momoko, a disease attended with chills and wasting of the flesh ; moko, Nuk., lean, — momoo, benumb- ed,— a cough. Mokopuna, N.Z., mo'opuna, Haw. Nuk., a grandson ; makupuna, Mang., a nephew. Mole, Tong., smooth ; molemole, Haw., bald. Moli, Sam., mori, N.Z. Rar. Mang. Tah., oil for burning, a lamp. Momo, Nuk., mmnae, Tong., petty, small, — a scrap, crumb ; momomo, Sam., bruised, mashed. Momoa, Tah., to promise, betroth; Haw., to give liberally. Momona, N.Z. Tah. Haw. Nuk., lus- cious, succulent, pleasant to the taste. Mose, Rot., moSe, Viti, mohe, Tong., moe, Sam. et cset., to lie down, to sleep. Mohe-ga, moe-ga, moena, moeka, moea, ubiq., a sleeping-mat, bed. Moenaku, N. Z., irimoe, moemoed, Rar., moerika, Mang., moeuhane, Haw., to dream. Fie-mohe, Tong,,Jia-moe, Sam., hia-moe, N. Z., to wish to sleep; hia-moe, Haw., to sleep, — deep, sound sleep ; Nuk., a nap, a fourth part or watch of the night. MotO, Tong. N.Z. Mang. Rar. Tah. Haw., to box, strike with the fist. Motu, ubiq., to cut, cut off, separate ; se- parated, cut off. Motu, ubiq., a division, a separate dis- trict, a small island separate from the main land. Mu, Sam. Tah., a noise, noisy. Mua, ubiq., front, before. Muka, Tong., a sprout, shoot, blade of grass, — the bud of the plantain or banana ; muka, N. Z., flax ; muko, Nuk., the bud of the breadfruit; mu'a, Sam., a young cocoa-nut. Muli, Sam. Haw., muri, N.Z. Rar. Mang. Tah., mui, Tong. Nuk., after, behind. Tau-muli, Sam. Tong., the stern of a vessel. Mulu (?), mulumulu, Sam., to rub, to POLYNESIAN LEXICON. 317 clean ; muru, N. Z., to rub, wipe out, obliterate, wash away. (?), or »»«(?), itiitKHin/m/i, Sam., to whisper, — listless, wearied, unwilling; omuhu, Nuk., mmiiulm, minim, Haw., omumu, Tah., to whisper. Kouniiimu, Rar., iJmmii, Tah. Haw. Nuk., anindiiiii, N. Z., to whisper, to murmur together, to grumble ; mui- mui, Sam., to grumble, to be dissatis- fied. Mumit, N. Z., mamu, Tah., mamu, in mi/ a, Mang., mitmule, Haw., taci- turn, stupid, sullen. Mittu, Mang. Nuk., muteki, liar., silent. Murare, Rar., dumb. Mutie, Sam. Tong. Mang. Nuk., tietie, N. Z., grass. Miitii, Tong. Haw. N. Z., to cut off, cut short, terminate. N Na, prep., of, for, by (Gram. §§ 20, 69). Na, there, then, that — sign of distance in place and time (Gram. §§ 41, 52, 59). La, ra, ana, and ara appear to be variations of this particle. Na (?), nc, Tong., he (used as nominative to a verb), — naua, they (dual) ; nau- tolu, they (plural). Ne, no, Tong., na, Sam. et cset., the root of the possessive pronoun of the third person singular (Gram. §§ 39, 40). Nd, Sam. Tong. Tah. Haw., quieted, ap- peased, as a child ; faka-na, Tong., to hush, make quiet. Na, nand, Sam., liaka-nd, fana, Nuk., to conceal (i. e. to hush up). Na! N. Z. Rar., naha! Tah., lo ! behold ! Ndna, Tah. Mang. Haw., to look at, observe, behold. Na, Sam., nake, N. Z., nae, Haw., but, 80 only ; anake, N.Z. Mang., anae, Tah., only, merely, alone. Na, Tah. Rar., first, beforehand. Nafd, Sam. Tong. Niua, a drum. NdKU (?), naunau, Sam., to desire, obey, regard ,• noimon, Tah., to desire, covet ; noonoo, Haw. , to reflect, to think of with approbation (see ma- nako). Nanjkll, Sam. Tong., odor, scent ; namu- inunu, Tah., foul-scented. NaniU, Sam. Tong. N. Z. Tah., a mus- quito. Nanu, Sam., namu, Haw., to speak un- intelligibly, to speak in a foreign tongue. Namu, N. Z., to grumble, to murmur ; nanu, Mang., to curse. Nase, Sam., nahe, Tah., fern. NdtU, Tong., to kneel ; Nuk., to mix up puddings, to wash clothes ; Mang., to dip, soak. Nave (?), navenave, Tah. Mang. Nuk., pleasant, delightful, joyful. Nea, Rar., neanea, Haw., lonely, desolate. Net, ni, here, now, this, — sign of present place and time (Gram. §§ 41, 52, 59), — hence anei, presently, atia-nei, now, to-day. Neke (or neki), N.Z. Rar. Mang., ne'e (or ne'i), Tah. Haw., to move, to move along, — to remove (act. and neut.) Ne'i, Sam., lest. Neva, Sam., poor, destitute ; newe, Haw., to suffer from want ; neneva, Tah., foolish, insane. Ni, Sam. Fak., some, — a collective par- ticle (Gram. § 14). Nisi, Sam., nihi, Tong., some; lihi, Haw., a portion, lot (Gram. § 12). Ni or li, — (a number of words having a general connexion in sense, ap- pear to be derived from this root), — niania, mania, manie, Haw., ma- 318 PHILOLOGY. nia, Tab. Mang. Nuk., maninoa, Sam., marino, N. Z. Rar., smooth, calm, as the sea ; manino, Sam., clear, pure, as water ; manino, Nuk., clear, serene, calm ; maninonino, Haw., the abating of fierce winds; malili, Haw., to be assuaged, grow calm ; marire, N. Z., calm, peaceful (see also malie). Niji (?), manifi, Sam. Tong., thin, nar- row; nihinihi, Haw., difficult, straight, — a narrow ridge. Nifo, niho, nio, ubiq., tooth. Nino, Tah. Nuk., to twist. Niu, ubiq., cocoa-nut. No, prep., of, for, from (Gram. §§ 20, 69). Nd (?), nowd, Sam., to borrow; noi, nonoi, Haw. Nuk., faka-noi, Tong., inoi, N. Z. Rar., to beg, to entreat. Nod, N. Z. Tah. Rar., common, free, not restricted. Nofo, noho, noo, ubiq., to sit, to dwell. (In Tahitian, parahi has been of late substituted for noho). Nofoa, Fak. Tong., nooya, Mang., noho, Haw., a seat. Nohinohl (qu. ?), N. Z., noinoi, Haw., little ; nore, Mang., a dwarf. Nono, Fak. Sam. Tong. Tah., noni, Haw. Nuk., the morinda citrifolia. Nui, N. Z. Rar. Haw. Nuk., great, large. Nuku, Mang., place, spot; nu'u, Sam., town, district ; nuku, Rar., nu'u, Tah., army ; nuku, Viti, sand, a sand-bank (In Nukuhiva, Nuku-nono, &c., i seems to mean island or country.) 17 na, ubiq., the plural article prefixe( to nouns (Gram. § 14). , Sam., to sigh ; naenae, Haw. the asthma, difficult breathing ; kaikai nainai, Nuk. (qu. naenae?), exhaust- ed, spent, — referring to a person's patience or breath. a, Sam. Tong., yd, Tar., aya, Mang., ana, anana, Haw., a fathom. (qu. ?), aftele, Tah., yayaere, Rar., nahele, Haw., wild grass, herbage, underwood. Tong., ne, Haw., to gnash the teeth. Flakau, Tong. N. Z. Rar., the bowels, the viscera, — supposed by the natives to be the seat of the mental operations, — hence used for the heart or mind. , Tong. N. Z., ya'o, Sam., kahua, nahua, Nuk., tonahua, Haw., fat, lard. Fldlafu (?), yarahu, N.Z., soot; nanahu, lanahu, Haw., charcoal. Flak, Tong., right, becoming, proper ; yari, Rar., good, pleasant, agreeable. Sam. Tong., yaro, N. Z. Rar., nalo, Haw., aro, Tah., hid, forgotten, lost ; also, mayalo, mayaro, maaro, with the same meanings. Waka-yaro, N. Z., to hide, cover, over- whelm. , Sam., yaru, N. Z., nalu, Haw., surf, billow. , Viti, a brother or sister; tua-yane, Sam., tuyane, N. Z. Rar., tunane, Nuk., taitunane, Haw., elder brother (of a sister, — see tua). , Tong., nono, Haw., red-faced, flushed. , N. Z., noise, uproar; nana, Haw., to bark, growl. IQdO, Sam., the gum, the grinders ; yau, Tong. N. Z. Haw., to chew, to champ with the teeth ; auau, Tah., to gnash the teeth. Kahu, nanahu, Nuk., nahu, nanahu, Haw., to bite ; kahu, nahu, Nuk., to scold, rebuke. , Sam., naonao, Haw., to steal. POLYNESIAN LEXICON. 319 Z, Sam., yaohi,Tong., to make. (Se masi.) riase, Sam., weak,— 'ano-yase, lean ; na hinalii, Haw., soft and thin. IQdta, Sam. Tong., a snake; yarara N. Z., a reptile of any kind, a snak a large kind of lizard ; kaka, nana Nuk. (qu. kakaa for yayala?), th large house-lizard. Plata, Sam. Tong. Rar., difficult, har (Gram. § 78); taiata, Tah., with diffi culty. '•t, N.Z. Rar., ati, Tah., a member o a tribe, — as Hati-Maru, one of the Maru tribe; flati- Karika, one of the Karika tribe; ati-Juda, Tah., a Jew (The original meaning was, perhaps a descendant of Maru, Karika, &c.) N. Z., to scratch, scrape; natu Haw., to seek, search, look after (i. e to feel about with the hands). > Tong., a kind of disease, a cutane ous eruption; yaua, N. Z., newe, Haw., to suffer from illness, be in pain. (?), yere, N. Z., lazy ; yere, Rar., nele, Haw., poor, destitute. Mayere, N. Z., idle, slow ; maere, Tah., careful, doubtful, hesitating. Mang., tender, soft, yielding to the touch ; nepunepu, Haw., full in flesh, plump. e, Sam., yoie, Rar., yofua, Tong., easy, facile (correlative to yatd, — Gram. § 78). Fiolo (I), yoyolo, Sam., a rushing, bubbling noise; yoyoro, N. Z., a noise like snoring, — to snore; nonoo, Haw., to snore. (See yulu.) ItotO, Sam., to sink; N. Z., to make deep, to sink, as a well. ; (?)» ?«?«, Sam., waha-yu, N. Z., dumb; nunu, Haw., taciturn, unsocial. (?), tayulu, Tong., to snore; yuyuru, Rar., nuru, Tah., to groan, growl, roar; yuyuru, Pau., to grunt, — yuru- yuru, a hog; nurntlu, Haw., to growl, grunt. Nu and nunu, Haw., to groan; mayuyu, Rar., thunder. Flutu, Fak. Sam. Tong., mouth of any animal, beak of a bird ; yutu, N. Z. Pau., utu, Tah., «M«M, Nuk., lip, beak of a bird; nutu, Haw., snout, beak. O O, prep., of. (Gram. § 17.) O, Sam. Tong., conj., and. (Gram. § 68.) O, Sam. Tong., to go (used only in the plural); o, Tah. Rar., to enter; faa-6, Tah., aka-d, Rar., ho-6, Haw., to cause to enter. O, Haw., to extend, reach out the hand ; oo, Sam., to reach ; oo, ta-oo, Rar., to receive. Ofa, Tong., owa, oha, N. Z., kaoha, aoha, oha, Nuk., alofa, Sam., aroha, N.Z. Tah., aroa, Rar. Mang., aloha, Haw., love, good-will, esteem, com- passion. '; Sam., to have space to enter ; Tong., near,— to approach; awi, N. Z., oi, Haw., to approach, draw near. (See kofi.) Ofo, Sam. Tong., oho, N. Z., ho-ohuoe, Haw., to wonder. Ohana, Tong., a husband or wife, a spouse ; ahana, vahana, Nuk., a hus- band. Oka, Nuk., oa, Haw., a rafter. Okioki, N. Z., oioi, Haw., rest, repose. Oko, Mang., hard, firm, solid; Nuk., strong, powerful,— large, full-grown, ripe; oo, Haw., ripe, mature,— odea, strong, hard. 320 PHILOLOGY. Ola, Sam. Haw., ora, N.Z. Tah. Rar. Mang., to live. Omi, Tong. Tah., to draw out, bring out. Omo, Tah. Haw. Nuk., to suck. One, ubiq., sand. OflO, six (Gram. § 30). Ono (?), onoono, Sam., tempted; onou, onounou, Haw., to entice, seduce; onoono, Tah., earnest, solicitous. Opa, Rar., to wrap up, to swathe ; Haw., to squeeze, press. Opata, Haw., a ravine on the side of a mountain ; Nuk., a precipice. Oso, Sam., to leap ; oho, N. Z., to leap, start up,— excited, moved. Oso, Sam., oho, Tong., o, Haw., provi- sion for travelling. Ota, Sam. Tong. Rar. Mang., matd, N. Z. Haw., raw, uncooked. Mala, Haw., green (or raw) as wood not yet seasoned ; mata, Rar. Mang., matomato, N. Z., maomao, Haw., green, as grass ; matd, Tong., a club made of a young tree. Oti, Sam. Tong. N. Z. Mang. Haw., ended, done. Oto, Tah. Mang., to mourn, lament. Pa, Sam. Mang. Haw. Nuk., an enclo- sure, a fence, wall ; N. Z., a fortified town ; pa enua, Rar., a country. Patu, N. Z. Rar. Tah. Haw., a wall. Pa, N. Z. Mang. Haw., to touch, to strike gently ; papa, Rar., to beat (see paki, pati, patu). Pa, N. Z. Tikop., father. Pa, Sam., N. Z. Rar. Haw., barren, child- less. Pa,, Sam., papa, N. Z., to burst. Pa, Sam., barb of a hook ; Tong., a fish- hook of shell. Pae, Tah. Rar. Mang., separate, apart, aside; a side, border, division, part, portion ; Tah., a collective particle (Gram. § 14). Tapae, Rar. Haw., tipae, Tah., to put aside, to turn aside, to pervert ; wdka- pae, N. Z., to accuse. Napae, tapae, Nuk., rapae, Tah., by the side, adjacent ; rapaeau, Tah., outside (perhaps fromfasi). Pahi (qu. ?), Tah. Pau., pai, Rar. Mang., a ship. Pahu (qu. ?), N. Z. Tah. Haw. Nuk., a drum. Pai, N. Z., good; paia, Sam., sacred; Tah., a priest. Paka, Tikop., pa'a, Sam., a crab ; paka, Mang., pa'a, Tah., shell, crust, enve- lope. Paka, N. Z., any thing dried by the sun; pakapaka, Nuk., the crust of baked fruit. Pakapaka, Rar., paapaa, Haw., burned, scorched, baked hard. Pakari, Ra.r.,paari, Tah., wise. Pakeke, N. Z., hard, solid, — hard, diffi- cult to do ; pakeke, Mang., to disobey ; pace, Haw., to misunderstand. Paki or baki, Tong., to strike against, impinge ; pa'i, Sam., to touch, strike lightly ; papaki, N. Z. Rar. Mang. Nuk., pai, papai, Tah. Haw., to strike with the palm of the hand, to slap; papaki, Nuk., paipai, Tah., Haw., to beat or chastise. Papaki, Pau., papai, Tah., pai, Haw., to imprint, mark, write. Paina, papaina, Tah. Haw., the noise of clapping, breaking, rattling, tick- ing, &c. Pakisi (?), paki, N. Z., fair weather; paihi, Haw., clear, unclouded, fair. Pala, para,paa, ubiq., an ulcer, sore, — POLYNESIAN LEXICON. 321 purulent matter, — putrid, — foul, slimy, greiisy. Palahu, Haw., decayed ; parail, Mang., worn out. Palale, Haw., parare, N. Z., to exert one's self with haste and disorder, — tumult, confusion ; parari, Tah., bro- ken in pieces. Pdldoa, Haw., paraoa, N. 7.. Mang., patwa, Nuk., the sperm-whale, — tooth of the whale, ivory. Palasi, Sam., scattered about; parahi, Tah., parai, Mang., to sit, remain, dwell. Pale, Tong. Haw., pare, N. Z., to ward off", parry, turn aside. Pale, Sam. Fak. Haw., pare, N. Z. Rar. Mang., pae, Nuk., hat, bonnet, veil, head-dress (any thing to keep off the sun). Parirau, N. Z., pererau, Tah., wing of a bird ; pelcleu, Haw., a short, wide canoe (see kapa). Pali, Haw., part, N. Z. Tah., a precipice, — also a stronghold. Pali (?), pari, N. Z., to flow, as the sea ; Mang., to gush out, to pass out. Palolo, Sam., mbalolo, Viti, name of a sea-worm which appears on the reef at a certain season of the year ; hence, palolo, Sam., mbalolo, Viti, paroro, Tah. Rar., name given to two of the months (ante, p. 68). Palu, Sam., to dissolve ; Tong., to mix with water; Haw., to lick, lap water. Palupalu, Haw., paruparu, Tah., paru- kana, Rar., soft, weak ; paruparu, Rar. Tah., bruised, wounded, hurt. Panaki, Rar., to repair, substitute new for old ; panai, Haw., to redeem, give a substitute, — -pinai, to repair, mend. Pani, Sam. Tong. N. Z., to besmear, plaster; apani, Tah., moparti, Rar., 81 pnpani, Haw., to stop up, close up, cover over. Pani, Nuk., cocoa-nut oil for anointing the head. Rar. Pau., pae, Tah., paepae, Haw. Nuk., that which supports or sustains any thing, — a prop, stool, stand, &c. Mang., paku, panu, Nuk., pano- pano, Haw., black. Pao, Tah. Rar. Haw., to dig or hew out. Pao, Tah., paa, Haw., fast, firm, fixed ; haa-pao, Tah., to make fast, to fix, to appoint, to keep, to comprehend ; hoo- pao, Haw., to establish, fix ; tapao, Tah., a sign, evidence, confirmation. Papa, ubiq., any thing flat and solid, as a plank, table, rock. Papapapa, Mang., flat, level. Papa, Haw., a row, a rank, a file ; pa- paya, Mang., a line. Papa, Tah. Mang. Pau., papalayi, Sam. Tong., foreign, foreigner (applied to the whites). Papa-ani, Nuk., " a part of the sky ; — also, a term applied by them to iron" (i. e. foreign substance). Papaliya (?), papariya, N. Z. Rar., papalina, Haw., paparia, Tah., pa- paina, Nuk., the cheek. Papaku, N. Z., low ; pipau, Tah. Haw. Nuk., shallow. Papu, Tah. Haw., a plain, a level piece of ground (perhaps a corruption of papa). Pata, Tong., coarse-grained, — one pata, gravel (i. e. coarse sand) ; pata, Haw., rain falling in large drops. Pati, Sam. Tong., to clap the hands together ; Haw., to smite with the palm of the hand (see pa, paki). Patiti, Tah. Rar., to fasten ; Haw., hard, firm, compact, obstinate. PatU, N. Z. Rar. Mang. Tah. Nuk., to strike, to beat (see pa and tu). 322 PHILOLOGY. PdU, Sam., to cease ; N. Z. Tab. Mang. Haw., pan, Rar., done, ended, past away. Pau, Haw., complete ; hence, all, the whole. Pau, Sam., to fall; pou, Tah., to descend. Pe, Sam., if, when, as ; be, Tong., when, also, only ; abe, Tong., pe, pea, N. Z., pea, Fak., paha, Haw., perhaps. Pei, Sam., like ; pe, N. Z. et ca;t., like (used only in compound terms, as, penei, like this, thus, — -pela, like that, — pefea? like which, how? &c.) Pe, Sam., pio, Mang. Haw., extinguished, extinct. Peka, Tikop. N. Z., beka, Tong., pe'a, Sam., a bat. Peka, Mang., upeka, N. Z., a cross, a stick laid cross ways ; pekaya, N. Z., a corner, or crossing of the street. Pekapeka, Rar., peapea, Tah., offended, hurt, perplexed, afflicted (i. e. crossed). Hoopea, Haw., to punish, to accuse maliciously. Tapeka, Rar., tapea, Tah., a yoke, — also, Rar. Tah. Haw., to seize, confine as a criminal. Peke, N. Z. Rar., to remove, move off; pee, Tah., to follow, — peepee, to hasten ; pee, Haw., to run and hide. Pele, Sam., bele, Tong., aka-perepere, Rar., here, Fak., a favorite, — beloved. Pelepele, Sam., opere, Tah., to cherish, minister to. Pelu, Haw., peru, Tah., peu, Nuk., to double, fold up. Penu, Pau., the head; Tah., a stone pestle. Pepe, Sam. Tong. Tah. Nuk., a butterfly. Pepe, N. Z., trembling, fluttering ; Mang., fragile, friable ; Haw., soft, pliable, broken fine, rotten ; Tah. Nuk., rotten, bad. Peti, Nuk., to tread, to trample on ; peti- peti, Tong., pigs' feet, trotters. Pi, N. Z., the young of an animal ; api, Tah., kopio, Nuk., opio, Haw., young. Pi, Mang. Nuk., piha, Haw., kapi, Nuk., full. Pia, Tah. Rar. Haw. Nuk., arrow-root (tacca pinnatifida). Pihe (qu. ?), N. Z., a funeral ode; Haw., lamentation, wailing. Pehe, Tah. Nuk., a song. Pikt, N. Z., biki, Tong., pii, Sam., to adhere, stick, cling to ; hence, piki, N. Z. Rar. Mang. Nuk., pii, Tah. Haw., to climb, ascend. Piko, pi'o, ubiq., to bend, curve, — curved, bent. Pilau, Haw., piau, Nuk., piro, N. Z., Mang., fetid, foul-scented ; pirau, N. Z. Rar. Mang., putrid, spoilt. Pili, Haw., piri, Rar. Mang. Tah., to ad- here, stick to, stay with ; pili, Fak., near, adjoining ; piri, N. Z., close, near, crowded. Pipiri, Tah., pi, Haw., stingy, parsimo- nious (i. e. close). Piritia, Rar., to compress, stifle ; pilitia, Haw., crowded, close, straightened, difficult. Tapili, Haw., tapiri, Tah., tapii, Nuk., to besmear, anoint, stick on. Opili, Haw., the cramp; pipii, Nuk., contraction of the limbs. Pili, Sam., bili, Tong., bii\ Tar., a lizard. Pipi, ubiq., the cockle (shell-fish). PlSt, Sam., to fall ; bihi, Tong., to splash. Pisi, Sam., bihia, Tong., contagious. PitO, ubiq., end, extremity of a cord, stick, &c., — hence, the navel ; Haw., the crown of the head ; bito, Tong., full. brimful, — i. e., reaching to the top. Po, Sam. Tar., poara, Tah., to strike with the hand ; poko, Nuk., to strike one arm with the other hand open ; poeka, POLYNESIAN LEXICON. 323 Nuk., to hit with a stone or shot ; powa, Haw., to kill and rob. Poi, popoi, Tong. Tah. Mang. Nuk., a paste or jelly made of fermented vege- tables (ma or masi), mixed with the juice of the cocoa-nut, or of the dra- ciriia root. (See poki.) Pokd (?), boka, Tong., poa, Haw., to cas- trate. Pokai, N.Z. Nuk., to fold, roll up ; poai, Haw., to encircle, go round. Poki, N.Z. Rar. Mang., p6"i, Tah. Haw., covered. Hipo/ci, N. Z., tapoki, Rar., tapoi, Tah., pf/i, Haw., to cover. Poki, Nuk., po'i, Haw., a paste or pud- ding made of the talo or arum root, baked, mashed, and mixed, (at Nuku- hiva,) with cocoa-nut juice, or (at Hawaii), with water. (See pot.) Pdko (?), poka, N.Z., apoo, Tah., a pit; pokopoka, Mang., deep, dug out. Tapoo, Haw., to sink, as into water ; tapoko, N. Z., to enter, — also, a bag. Poko (?), po'o, Haw., upoko (qu. for ulu- poko ?), Rar. Mang. Nuk., upoo, Tah., the head. Ulu-boko, Tong., ulu-po'o, Sam., -gavo- kavoka, Viti, the skull. Poko-iwi, N. Z., poo-hivi,Tah., poo-kiwi, Haw., the shoulder. Poko-luli, Tikop., the knee. Poro, Tah., to proclaim ; Mang., to call upon, demand. Pola, Sam., bola, Tong., poa, Nuk., thatch of cocoa-nut leaves. Polo (?), poloa'i, Sam., poroi, Tah., to charge, command ; poroaki, Rar., to command, commission, to take leave of; poroporoaki, N.Z., to take leave of. Polo (?), polofeu, Sam., auporo, Tah., aupoo, Nuk., pepper. Pololi, Haw., porori, Tah., pooi, Nuk., hungry, to fast. Pond, Sam. N. Z. Rar. Nuk., a knot ; Haw., the parts of a sugar-cane be- tween the joints ; ponapona, N. Z., joint ; pona, Nuk., a bunch or knot of four bread-fruits tied together. Pono, N. Z. Haw., right, just, good. Poyi (?), mboyi, Viti, boy, Tar., po, Sam. Tong. et cset., night (used also for day, in enumerating, — as, tasi po, one day; pofia, how many days?) Poyia, Sam., benighted, — poyisa, dark. Napo, Haw., to set or disappear, as the sun. Boyiboyi, Tong., mbopimbogi, Viti, po- poyi, Rar., poniponi, Haw., poipoi, Tah., morning, — hence, Bogiboyi, ToDg.,mboyimboyi,Viti, popoi, Nuk., apopo, Rar. Mang. Haw., to- morrow ; apopo, Nuk., some time hence. Pouli, Sam. Haw., bouli, Tong., pouri, N.Z. Mang., poiri, Rar. Tah., poeleele, Haw., dark. Poao, Sam., fog, mist (qu. day-dark- ness) ; poa, poao, N. Z., smoke. PoTji (?), poni, Haw., popofci, Nuk., to besmear, daub with a coloring matter. Pojji, Rar., poia, Tah., hungry. PopO, Sam., an old cocoa-nut; bobo, Tong., rotten, mouldy ; popo, Haw., a mass of matter of a globular form, — rotten, decayed, as vegetables ; popo, Nuk., dust, especially from decayed wood, — a fungus. Potiki, N. Z., potii, Haw., the youngest member of a family ; potii, Tab., a girl. PotO, Sam., boto, Tong., wise, shrewd, cunning ; tupoto, N. Z., suspicious. PotO, N.Z. Rar. Mang. Tah. Haw. Nuk.. short. Botoboto, Tong., round ; potopoto, Sam., close together, assembled. Poll, ubiq., post. Pu, N. Z., a bundle, bunch, — a tribe, 324 PHILOLOGY. band, — pupu, to bind in a bundle ; pupu, Rar. Tab. Haw., a bunch, knot, bundle, — a band, company ; Haw., a bunch, as of grass or leaves. (Seefu.) Pu, Sam. Tah. Haw., a conch, a trumpet, a musket ; N. Z., a cylinder, musket, flute (i. e. any thing to blow through). Puhi, N. Z. Tah. Haw. Nuk., buhi, Tong., bua, Mang., to blow, to puff, — hence, to fire a musket, which the na- tives at first supposed to be done by blowing into it. Pu, Mang., thick ; pu, N. Z., a pregnant woman. Bula, bubula, Tong., vuSe, vuvuSe, Viti, pupuhi, Nuk., pite, Mang., to swell, swollen ; puta, Sam., swollen, large. Puepue, Haw., large, plump ; bubura, Tar., large. Pud, Haw., to appear at a distance, rise up as smoke ; pua, Nuk., foam. Pud, N.Z., bua, Tong., a species of plant bearing a large flower ; pua, Rar. Mang. Haw. Nuk., a flower (seefua). Puaka, N. Z. Rar. Nuk., buaka, Tong., pua'a, Sam. Tah. Haw., vuaka, Viti, swine, a hog. Puaka, Mang., a beast, animal, — excla- mation of displeasure ; buakaka, Tar., bad, vile. Puaki, Rar. Nuk., pua'i, Sam., to vomit ; puai, Tah. Haw., to flow out, pour forth ; waka-puaki, N. Z., to cause to appear, to utter. Puhi (qu. ?), N. Z. Tah. Haw. Nuk.,^, Mang., an eel. Puke, Tikop., buke, Tong.,j9w'e, Sam., to lay hold of, seize ; pue, Haw., to assail, attack, — to gain what is an- other's. Puke, N. Z. Rar., vulce, Viti, pu'e, Sam. Tah., a hill, mound, heap ; pue, Haw., to " weed out and hill up, as potatoes." Puke, Rar., pue, Tah., a collective particle (Gram. § 14). Puku orpu'u, Nuk.,puu, Tah., any small globular substance, a berry, a joint, knob, ball ; puu, Haw., a protube- rance, bunch, heap, — lump, a lot, portion, — a collective sign (Gram. § 14); mbuku, Viti, a knot; puku, N. Z., the stomach, — the block of a ship. Bukubuku, Tong., puupuu, Sam., pou- pou, Haw., squab, short and thick. Pukupuku, Rar., rough, i. e. covered with knobs. Pukuwaewae, N. Z., pukuvaevae, Rar., puuvae, Nuk., the ankle. Puu-lima, Haw., the wrist-joint. Papa-puku, Mang., puk' or buk\ Tar., the buttocks. Pula, Haw., pura, N. Z., a small particle of any thing, a mote. Pule, Sam., to decree, appoint, govern ; mbuli, Viti, to appoint a king ; bule, Tong., to order, regulate, govern, take council ; mbure, Viti, a house for public meetings and councils, and also for worship ; pule, Haw., pure, Rar. Tah., to pray, to worship, — religion. PUK, Sam., bule, Tong., mbule, Viti, pue, Nuk., a spotted shell, a species of ovula. Pulepule, Sam., bulebule, Tong., pure- pure, N. Z. Tah., spotted, variegated. Pupure, Tah., a leper ; pupule, Haw., insane, — a lunatic. Pule-lehua, Haw., pue-ehua, Nuk., a butterfly. Puli (?), puri, N. Z. (passive puritia), puliti, Haw., to take up, to clasp. rultiku or pulou (qu. ?), puroku, Mang., to envelope, wrap up ; pulou, Haw., bidou, Tong., puou, Nuk., to cover the head, to veil, — a covering for the head ; pulou, Sam., buloija, Tong., a hat, bonnet, covering for the head ; pulou, Fak., a jacket. Pul6tu, Sam., bulotu, Tong., mburbtu, POLYNESIAN LEXICON. 325 Viti, an island described as a terres- trial paradise, situated towards the northwest, and supposed to be the abode of divinities ; purotu or poratu, Tah. Rar. Mang., poot.u, Nuk., fine, handsome, exquisite, perfect (i. e. hea- venly, paradisaical). Rohutu, Tah., terrestrial paradise, coun- try of souls. Pulu, Sam., Imlu, Tong., puu, Nuk., the husk which envelopes the cocoa-nut, — used for binding, caulking, &c. Pulupuht, Sam., bulubulu, Tong., to wrap up closely, to cover the body; *mbulu, Viti, to cover, to bury ; puru, N. Z., to hold fast,— a cork or stopper for a bottle. Eitlu, Tong., gum, pitch, or any adhesive substance ; pupuru, Tah., slimy, ad- hesive. Puna, Sam., buna, Tong., to jump, spring up, fly ; puna, Mang., to gush up, — a spring, fountain ; puna, N. Z., a spring ; Haw., a well, v\l,—puna-wai, a spring, — mapuna, to boil up, as water out of the sea. Puni, Sam., to enclose, as a net ; puni, Tah. Haw. Nuk., pini, Rar., to go round, surround, enclose — to close up, finish, complete ; puni, N. Z., close, closed up ; Mang., finished,— puniya, a seal (i. e. that which closes up); ta-buni, Tong., to shut, — a bolt or bar ; vuni, Viti, to shut up, to con- ceal ; pupuni, Nuk., to conceal ; pu- nipuni, Haw., to deceive. Pun6u, Sam., bunau, Tong., to incline, bow down, stoop (see Id, tuloru). Punua, Nuk. Mang. Rar., the young of any animal. a, Sam. M&ng.,puka or puna, Nuk., puna, Haw., pua, Tah., coral stone. Pttya, N. Z., pumice, — also, an anchor, (which, where coral is found, is usually a fragment of that stone.) 82 PupU, Sam., rocky coast, arched way; Haw., roughly, heavily, — kele pupu, to drag a log or canoe through brush among rocks ; pupu-mau, Nuk., rough. Pusa, Sam., buha, Tong., pouaka, N. Z., pilui, Tah., pia, Rar., a box, chest. Puta, N.Z. Mang. Haw. Nuk., to rise up, come in sight, appear, enter, — an en- trance, an aperture; puta, Tah., a wound. Uputa, Tah. Haw., a door. (See pit.) Pute, N.Z. Rar., a bag. PutU, putuputu, N.Z. Rar. Mang. Tah. Nuk. .close, thick together, — to assem- ble ; fa'a-putu, Sam., aka-putuputu, Rar., haa-putuputii, Tah., &c., to col- lect, gather together, convene. Purverervere (qu. ?), N. Z., punawele- wek, Haw., punaveevee, Nuk., a spe- cies of spider. [There seems to be a thread of connexion running through most of the words be- ginning with pu; the primary idea seems to be to increase, either in size or number, — whence, to swell, enlarge, rise up, flow out, — to be joined together, assembled, formed into a bundle — or into a heap — or into a solid sub- stance,—to be united, tied up, wrapped round, &c. &c.] s Sa, Sam., ha, Tong., some one. (Gram. §12.) Sd, Sam. Fak., sacred ; (ouple, pair, soa, tau. POLYNESIAN VOCABULARY. 345 Covenant, bargain, tau. Cover, ?{/?, komo, poki, pulu. Covetous, manu. Crab, paka. Cramp, pili. Crane, kotuku. Create, aya, koli. Creep, tola, sili. Crook, lo. Cross, peka, teka. Crow, kaoa, vini. Crown of head, tumu, pito. Crumb, kota, suya. Crust, paka. Cry, tayi, oto. Cup, ipu, kapu, Curse, kaya, kape, kupu, nanu. Cut, koti, sele, motu, mutu, tu, tipi, tafa. Dance, via, saka, siva, kalioi. Dark, luki, pffgi. Daughter, tama. Dawn, ata. Day, aso, la. Daylight, ao. Dead, mate, sir/a, liu. Deaf, tuli. Deceive, vale, Jiti, puni, lau. Deep, loto, hohanu, poko. Deliver,^aA;i (see loose). Depart, kemi, lele, semo, taka (see go). Descend, pan, to, seke. Desire, fia, manako, finayalo, ana, maki, mate. Desist, kaua. Desolate, ano, nea, vao. Despise, fqfa. Despoil, fao, salu, vete. Destroy, faki, lutu, man. Dew, sou. Die, mate (see dead). Different, kese, kisi, katoa. Difficult, -gold, pakeke, nifi, pili. Dig, keli, ko, ketu, poo. 87 Dip up or out, asu, kapu. Dirt, dirty, kele, lepo,fau. Disobey, pakeke. Disposition, aya, loto, manava, yakau. Dispute, ke, kisi, tamaki. Distribute, tufa, tofi, sele. District, motu, nuku. Disturb, keu, sauya. Dive, luku, suku. Divide, fa, fasi, tufa, vase, sele. Do, aya, mm, lave. Dog, kidi. Done, oti, pau. Doubt, solo, koko. Dove, kuku. Down, sifo. Drag, toso. Draw, kume, li, ami, siki, sisi, unu, utu. Dream, miti, mose, lia. Dregs, kota. Drift, Me. Drink, inu. Drive, li, teke, tute. Drop, tulu. Drown, lemo. Drum, nafa, pahu. Dry, malo, mayo. Duck, toloa. Dumb, musu, yu. Dust, lefu, kota, popo, suya. Dwell, nofo, palasi, sili. Dye, tincture, sinu. E Ear, taliya. E&mest\y,fu,fana,fita. Earth, fanua, kek, kpo, umea. Earthquake, lu. Eastern, sake. Easy, yojie, malie. Eat, kai, lamu, taumafa. Ebb, kemi, seke. Echinus, sea-urchin, tola. Edge, mata, tafa. Eel, puhi, toka, tuna. 346 PHILOLOGY. Egg, mamari, kali. Eight, valu. Elbow, tuke. Elephantiasis, fefe. Embark, sake, seke. Empty, masa. Enclose, encompass, kapu, pokai, puni, taka. Enclosure, d, lolo, kolo, pa, mala. End, extremity, liape, pito, siku. Ended, oti, pau. Enemy, fili. Enough, lava, kati, tau. Ensnare, fisi, sele,feZe. Enter, o, sao, sulu, tomo, ofi, puta, poko. Entirely, fu, pau. Envelop, fafi, puloku, pulu. Envious, fua, tau. Erect, tu, tulu. Evening, afiafi. Examine, mala, taki, miti, sah. Exceedingly, lava, loa. Exchange, tau, hoko. Excite, keu, kali, oso. Explain, ilo, mate, vase. Exquisite, pulotu. Extend, lafa, kumi, o, tau. Extinguish, tinei. Eye, mata, kano. Eye-brow, tuke. Eye-lash, lau. Eye-lid, leva. F Face, alo, mata. Fade, ma, moo. Fair (weather), aki, layi, pakisi. Fall, siya, pau, pisi, to, tau, taka, vili, malili, tomo. Fame, loyo. Family, kai, sivi,faga. Famine, soye. Fan, Hi, tafi, alo. Far, mamao, tafiti. Fasten, poo, mau, patiti, tupe, humu. Fat, yako. Father, tama, tua. Father-in-law, fmjo. Fathom, yafa, malo, kumi. Favorite, pele. Fear, afraid, fefe, mataku, mauk. Feather, fulu. Feed, faya. Feel (act.), fafa. Fell, cut down, ta, tu. Fence, d, pa. Ferment, su. Fern, nase. Festivity, koli, siva, kalioi. Fetid, pilau, namu, do. Few, iti, lua. Field, d, mala, vase. Fiery, kasa, ula. Fight, tau, tamaki. File, kili. Fill, kusu. Fillip, fana, fiti. Fin, kapa, tila. Find, laiko. Fire, afi. Firm, mau, malo, huka, oko, patiti, poo. Firmament, leva. First, na, tua, ulu. Fish, ika. Fish (v.), lavakai, sisi. Fish-hook, matau, pa. Fit, tau. Five, lima. Fixed, mau, poo, toka. Flag, streamer, leva, velo. Flame, ula, velo. Flap (v.), kapa. Flash, kanapa, kamo. Flat, lafa, papa. Flea, kutu. Flee, futa, matu, seke, solo. Fleet, folau. Flesh, kano, kiko. Float, laya, holua. Flock, faya, fusi. Flow, tafe, pali, pua. Flower, foga, pua. Flushed, ruddy, yano. POLYNESIAN VOCABULARY. 347 Flute, fago. Fluttering, pepe. Fly (s.), la-go. Fly (v.), lele, masui, puna. Flying-fish, malolo. Foam, sitka, pua. Fog, kosu, foyi, afd. Fold, fatu, pelu, pokai. Follow, alu, fai, tuli. Food, kai, ma. Foolish, vale, neva, lapu. Foot, vae, tapu. For, no, na, mo, ma. Forbid, forbidden, eva, sa, lahui, tapu. Forehead, lae. Foreign, papa, kese, siva, tafiti. Foremost, mua, ulu. Forget, galo, moke. Fortress, kolo, pa, pali. Foul, filthy, fau, keta, pala. Foundation, tumu. Fountain, puna. Four, fa, tau. Fragment, fasi, fati, suka. Fragrant, kola, manoyi. Freeman, lagatila. Fresh (water), mar/alo, lanu. Friend, soa. From, mai, no. Front, alo, mata, mua. Fruit, fua. Fuel, fqfie. Full, ki, pito, tumu, kona. Fur, fulu. Furious, sae. G Gall, au. Garden, mala. Generation, tupu, uki. Gentle, malie, fayi, Get, laua, mau. Giddiness, lika. Gird, takai, tatua, fusi, li. Girdle, malo, hume. Girl, tama, potiki. Give, fo, kau, sele, momoa. Glide, seke, Iwlua. Globular, foe, poto. Gnash, -gai, gau. Go, alu, sale, o, fano, liu, taka, lafa, tiki. God, atua. Gone, lilo, liu. Good, lei, pai, meitaki. Gourd, fue, sina. Govern, fai, pule, taki. Government, mold, sau. Grandparent, tupu. Grasp, kuku. Grass, mohuku, mutie, gahele, talu, veuveu. Gravel, kili, pata. Gray, sina. Great, fu, lasi, nui, tele, oko, pu. Green, ota. Grieve, mina, misi, uku, ama. Groan, ale, fago, gulu. Grow, fua, tupu. Growl, -gaga, gulu. Grumble, musu, nanu. Guard, leo, tiaki. Guess, tofo, tusi, mate. Gum, resin, tepau, pulu. Gum (of the jaw), -goo. Gush, pali, puna, pua. H Hail, fatu. Hair, fulu, lau, makawe. Half, fa, lua, tua. Hand, lima. Handle, helve, kau. Handsome, manaia, leka, pulotu, soifua. Hang, fek, li, sele, tau, leva. Happen, Idko. Happy, manu. Harbor, ava. Hard, malo, oko, pakeke, patiti. Hasten, vave, viki, peke. Hateful, kino, lia. Have, laua, man. 348 PHILOLOGY. He, ia, na. Head, ulu, poko, uto, penu. Head-ach, lu. Heal, mafu. Heap, puke, tu. Hear, logo. Heart, yakau, fatu, houpo, loto. Heaven, layi. Heavy, mqfa. Heel, tuke. Help, soa, tulu, alu. Here, net. Hesitate, koko, yele. Hew, talai, poo. Hiccough, kukina. Hide, hidden, fu, na, lilo, to, yah, lulu, malu, moke. High, luga, tiketike. Hill, mau, puke. Hinder, alai, taafi. Hiss, sisi. Hit, po, tu. Hither, mai. Hog, puaka. Hold (of ship), liu. Hold (v.), kuku, mau, pulu, taoft, kapu. Hook, Jo, matau. Hoop, tulu. Hope, manako. Horizon, tulu. Horn, fao. Hot, kasa, fana, vela. House, fale. How, pe. How many, fisa. Hundred, law. Hungry, kai, pololi, par/i. Hurricane, a/a, vela. Hurt, palu, mate. Husband, tane, ohana, tafu. Hush, na. Hypocrite, fua. I, au, ku. If, ina, kia, pe, sili. Ignorant, vale, hupo. Image, ata, tiki. Imitate, fai. Immodest, kalioi. In, i, kei, ma. Indeed, foki, lava, maoni. Infant, iti, vale. Inland, uta. Inlay, fono. Insect, komo, soka, sao. Inside, alo, loto, manava. Inspire, sulu. Insult, provoke, kaka, kape, ke. Intoxicated, kona. Invocation, kupu, pule. Itch, mayeso. Ivory, palaoa. Jaw, Jcauae. Jerk, ketu. Join, soko, sulu, u. Joint, pona, puku. Joy, joyful, fia, koakoa, koli, leka, soisoi. Judge, va, tilo. Jump, oso, sopo, puna,fiti, ketu. Just, pono, sao, tika, tonu. K Kernel, kano, Ma. Kill,/aw, ta. Kind, ata, liu, Kindle, tafu, tuyi, tutu. Kindred, kai. King, sau, tupu, aliki. Kite (plaything), kapa. Knead, natu. Knee, tuli, poko. Kneel, tuli. Knife, kofe, tipi. Knob, puku. Knock, ta, tu. POLYNESIAN VOCABULARY. 349 Knot, pona. Know, ilo, kite. Ladder, fata. Lake, loto, lanu. Lame, limp, koki, ketu. Lament, oto, pike. Lance, tao, velo. Language, kupu, leo, olelo. Laugh, kata, soisoi. Lay or put down, takoto, vaiho, tuku. Lazy, igele. Lead (s.), tepau. Lead (v.), taki, tono. Leaf, lau. Leak, mama, liu. Lean (ad.), ijase, koko, mdko. Lean upon,falala,Jilinaki. Leave, tuku, vailw, masui. Leeward, lalo, sifo. Left (hand), semo, ui. Leg, vae. Leper, leprosy, pule, tea. Lest, net. Lick, mid, palu. Lid, ufi, tifa. Lie, repose (v.), mose, takoto, vai. Lift, sapai, siki, li. Light, lustre, lama, ao, sulu. Light, not heavy, mama, laya. Light-haired, kefu. Lightning, uila, kamo. Like, pe, me, tau, lite. Lip, yutu. Liquid, sua. Little, iti, liki, uhiki, nohi, momo. Live, ola, soifua. Liver, ate. Lizard, moko, pitt, -gala. Load (v),fao. Lobster, kula. Lodge, stay, sili. Loins, taukupu. Long, loa, tua. Look (v.), sola, na, tilo, taki, lapu, vakai. Loose, tola, vete, semo, alu. Lose, lost, lilo, moke, -goto. Louse, kutu. Love, ofa. Low, lalo, saka. Low-water, masa, mako. Lump, fatu, foe, popo. Luscious, momona. M Mad, vale, neva, pule. Maggot, ilo. Make, aya,fai, yaosi, koli. Male, tane, toa. Mallet, ike. Man, tane, tayata. Many, lasi, tele, nui. Mark, ilo, paki, ta, tafa, tusi. Marrow, lolo. Mast,fana, tila. Master, fu, tua,fatu. Mat, kie, takapau. Mature, full-grown, tua, oko. Meal, repast, kai. Medicine, lapakau. Meditate, lia, manako, sola, va. Meet, lele, taki, tau. Mend,_/o»o, pinaki. Messenger, lele, veka. Middle, loto, lua, tonu, vase. Mild, layi, vali, mayalo. Milliofl, kilu. Mince, tofi, vali. Mind, loto, manava, yakau. Mirror, ata. Mischievous, keu, sauya. Mistake, lapu, toa, se. Misunderstand, pakeke. Mix, mingle, ano,f.lo, sui, palu, vali, kusu. Mole on the skin, ila. Moon, lama, sina, maidi, kavake. Morning, poyi. Mote, pula, suya. 88 350 PHILOLOGY. Moth, suku. Mother, tina, tua,fae, kui, toe. Mound, mau, puke. Mountain, inau, tua. Mouse, kimoa, kiole. Mouth, fafa, yutu, mapa. Mouthful, morsel, ma. Move, neke, peke, tele. Mullet, kanae. Murmur, musu, nanu. Muscle (shell), kuku. Musket, pu. Musquito, kutu, namu. N Nail, spike, fao. Nail of finger, kuku, matikuku. Name, iyoa, suafa, tapa. Nape of neck, kaki. Narrow, api, iti, nifi. Native, maoni, kai, yati. Navel, pito. Near, tata, pili, ofi, pae. Neat,_/?«, teu. Neck, ua, kaki. Necklace, kasoa. Needle, aku, tala. Nephew, mokopuna. Nest,faya, sili. Net, kupega, alu. Ne\v,fou. News, logo, tala. Night, poyi, luki, Nine, siva. Nit, lia. No, ai, le. Noise,falulu, mu, paki, yaga, yolo. Noon, ao. Noose, fele, sele. North, to, tokelau. Nose, isu. Not, ai, le, tai. Now, nei. Nurse, tausi, tafu. o Obey, lama. Ochre, kalaea. Odor, namu, sauya. Of, a, o, na, no. Oil, lolo, pani, sinu, moli. Old, lu, tua, tafito. One, tasi,foe. Only, foe, fu, maoni, na, vale. Open,fasi, mama, maga, to, va, vase, seu. Origin, tino, tupu. Ornament, sei. Other, kese, kisi, tasi. Outside, fafo, pae. Oven, umu. Overthrow, overturn, tulaki,fuli. Owl, lulu. Paddle, fose, alo, kapa. Pain, tiyd, manu, mamahi, lu. Paint, vali (see besmear). Pale, ma, tea, tavake. Palm of hand, kapu. Pap, susu. Paradise, pulotu. Parent, tua. Parent-in-law, fu~go. Parry, pali, kalo. Parsimonious, pili. Part, portion, fa,fasi, pae, vase, ma, ni. Past, lilo, pan, semo. Path, sola. Patience, patient, aso, mafu. Pay, tffgi, utu, tau, hoko, taki. Peace, pacific, sau, logo,fo. Pearl, foe, ufi, sei. Pearl-shell, tifa. Pebble, kald. Peel, fisi, fose. Peep, suke, tilo. Peg, J ao. POLYNESIAN VOCABULARY. 351 IV It with stones,fasi. People, km, nnita, soya, vale. Pepper, polo. Pepper-plant, kava. Perfect, sao, jmlotu, tonu. Perhaps, pc. Person, kai, tagata, tino. Pervert, pac. Pestle, penn. Pierce, soka, suki, sunuki, tui. M, lupe, kuku. Pillow, kali, ulu. Pilot, taki, tele. Pin, uku. Pinch, kini, lau. Pit, lua, poko. Pitch, pulu. Pity, ofa, aue. Place, tu, nuku, tafa. Plain (s.), lau, papu. Plait, Jili, laga. Plant (v.), ko, tanu, to. Plantain, faki. Pleasant, leka, nave, gale. Pleiades, mala. Pluck, toli, faki, futi. Plump, ycpu, tele. Plunder, fao, salu, vete. Plural particles, atu, foe, fasi, kau, ma, mau, ni, ga, puke, puku, tai, tau. Point at, tusi. Poison, kona. Pole, toko. Poor, neva, igele. Porpoise, tafold. Post, pou, tulu, fana, tika. Posterity, suli. Potato (sweet), kumala. Pour, ligi, asu, utu, suai. Prayer, lotu, pule. Precipice, pali, opata. Pregnant, pu, sapu, to. Prepare, teu. Press, squeeze, fota, lomi, opa, tau, tina, tomi. Prick, tui, suki. Priest, taula, tufuga, tupu, aliki. Proclaim, polo, tola. Proper, gale, tau. Property, toga, api, koloa, vai. Prophecy, tofo, ilo, fana. Proud, sia, teu, ua. Provision, oso. Provoke, ke, u, peka. Pudding, Tola. Pungent, kava, mageso. Punish, peka. Push, teke. Put, tuku, vaiho. Putrid, pala, pilau. Q Quarrel, ke, malo, tamaki, tete. Quick, viki, vave, lele. Quiet, malu, na, masa, logo, lulu. R Rafter, lava, aso, oka. Rain, usa. Rainbow, anua, umata. Raise, siki, sisi, sapai. Rat, kimoa, kiole. Raw, ota. Reach, o, tau. Ready, tau, teu. Rebuke, lili, kauae, goo. Reckon, lau, tau. Reconcile, vao. Red, kula, elo. Redeem, panaki. Reed, kaso. Reef (of rocks), sakau, toka. Reflection, image, ata. Reject, li, ti, Relish to food, kinaki. Remainder, toe, lava. Remember, manatu, manako. Remove, neke, peke, taka, keu. Reptile, yata, moko. Residence, api, kai, sili. 352 PHILOLOGY. Resound, tayi. Rest, repose, malo, masa, okioki. Rest upon, sili, tau. Return, foki. Revolve, taka. Rib, la. Right, pono, sao, tonu, -gale, tau. Right hand, tau. Ring, mama. Ripe, moo, oko. Rise, fiti, li, futa, puta. Roar, yulu. Roast, tunu, too. Rock, papa, toka. Roll, taka. Roll up, fatu, fill, pokai. Root, oka. Rope, maea, taula, lino. Rotten, pala, popo, pepe. Rough, mafuna, pupu, suki, tola. Round, foe, poto, taka. Row, rank, papa, tu. Rub, mili, mulu, solo, lomi. Rubbish, kota. Run, solo, hie. Rush (juncus), fisi, kaso. s Sacred, sd, laa, tabu, moa, pai. Sacrifice, taumafa. Sail (s.), kie, la. Sail (v.), fano, soko, tele, folau. Salute, soyi. Sand, one. Sandalwood, ase. Sap, lolo. Satiate, kona, fiu, masa. Savage, sae, hupo. Savor, lolo. Scaffold, staging, fata. Scale of fish, una. Scale (fish), fai. Scatter, lu, lala, lefu, palasi. Score, kau. Scrap, momo, makawe, suya. Scrape, laku, yatu, valu. Scratch, selu, vaku, laku, yatu. Scull (s.), aya, poko. Sea, tai, moana, miti, vasa. Search, seek, kimi, lapu, suke, yatu, tiki, ketu. Season, tau, manava, mauli. Sea- weed, limu. See, ilo, kite, mata, vakai. Seed, kano, fatu. Seize, puke, sopu, peka. Send, kau, uya. Separate, motu, pae, taka, vase. Servant, soya, taulua. Set, poyi, to. Seven, fttu. Sew, tui. Shade, ata, malu. Shake, lu, li, tutu, tele, kalo. Shallow, masa, papaku. Shame, ashamed, ma. Shape, fua. Shark, mayo. Sharp, koi, tipi. Sharpen, solo, tola. Shave, tafi. Sheath, fafi. Shed, folau. Shelf, fata. Shell, paka, una. Shelter, lulu, malu. Shine, sulu, kanapa. Ship, pahi, folau. Shoe, tamaka. Shoot, fana, pu, ti. Short, poto, saka. Shoulder, uma, poko. Shout, kalaya, valakau, vavao. Show, ilo, lafa, tusi. Shrewd, ata, tau. Shut, komo, pani, puni. Sick, mahaki, lo, mate, yaua, fiu. Side, kaokao, pae. Sigh, mapu, misi, yae. Sign, ilo, poo. Silent, mafu, musu. Sin, sola, sana, kape, tiyd. POLYNESIAN VOCABULARY. 353 Sing, siva, kalioi. Sink, r/o(o, poko, seke, semo, to, tomo. Sinnet, kafa. Sister, taokete, tasi, tua, yane. Sit, nofo, palasi, seke, kotuku, Six, ono. Skin, kili. Sky, layi, leva. Slack, alu. Slap, paki, pati, po. Slave, leka. Sleep, mose, takoto, toka, vale. Sling, maka. Slip, seke, semo, lemo. Slow, yele, silt, lo, tua. Smoke, asu, poyi. Snake, yata, moko. Sneeze, mafatua, life. Snore, polo, yulu. Snout, yutu. So, pe. Soak, natu. Soft, malu, yepu, palu, pepe, soli. Soil, kele. Sole of foot, tapu. Solid, papa, maid, huka. Solitary, ano. Some, ma, ni. Some one, sa, tasi. Son, tama, tua. Son-in-law, fingo- Song, siva, pihe. Soot, •galafu. Sorcerer, sorcery, tupu, kaya. Sore, tuya, fefe, masaki. Sound, loyo, tayi, falulu. Soup, sit. South, tokelau, to. Sow, lu. Space, va. Spade, ko. Spe&k,faki,lea, kolelo,ki, lau, takau, tola, ate. Spear, tola, too, vela. Speech, malaya, lauya, koklo. Spill, liyi. Spirit, aitu, aya, ata, kufane, manava. 89 Spit, ale, anu, tufa. Splash, pisi. Split,/a,/oa, va. Spoil, mau. Sponge, limu. Spotted, pule. Spouse, ohana. Spray, a/a, sou. Spread, fola, lafa, soko, solo,faliki, tuki. Spring up, It, puna. Sprit, tila. Sprout,/<<, kao, muka, suli, tupu. Squab, puku, polo. Square, public place, mala, tahua. Squid,feke. Squeeze, kume, opa, tau, tina. Stab, soka (see pierce). Staff, toko. Stagnant, lepo. Stair, fano. Stand, tu, tika. Stnr,fetu. Steal, kaisa, yaoi, suke, kamo. Steam, asu, kosu. Stem, stalk, kau. Stern of vessel, muli. Stick (v.), piki, pili, pani. Stir, seu, keu. Stomach, kete,fatu. Stone, fatu, kald, maka. Stopple, komo, pulu, umoti. Storm, afd, velo. Story, tale, takao,fana. Straight, sao, tonu, tika. Strange, kese (see foreign). Strangle,_/e/e, kumi. Stream, tafe. Strike, fasi, lutu, moto, pa, paki, patu, po, ta, tu, u. Strike, as a ship, sili, toka. Strip, salu, unu. Strive, malo, tele. Stroke (v.), tosi. Strong, fita, oko, kafa, maid. Stumble, lo, tu. Stun, tuli. Stupid, vak. 354 PHILOLOGY. Substance, foe, kano, tino. Suck, miti, omo. Sugar-cane, to. Suitable, tan. Sun, ao, la,fana. Sunset, to. Support, tu, page, tulu. Surf, yalu. Surface, foya, lau. Surpass, sili, sau. Surround, puni, pokai, taka. Suspicious, poto,fua. Swallow, fdo. Sweat, sou, kava. Sweep, tafi. Swell, fula, pu. Swim, kau, alo. Sword, koke. Sword-fish, aku. T Table, fata, lau. Taciturn, musu, yu. Tail, siku, velo. Take, have, lave, tali, tayo, taki, Juke, puli, siko. Talk, tola, va, kote (see speak). Tame, lota, mali. Taste, tofo. Tattooing, marking, moko, ta, tau. Teach, ako. Tear (s.), lai. Tear (v.), sae. Tempt, sema. Ten,fulu, kumi. Thank, taki. That (pr.), na. That (conj.), kia, ina. Thatch, ato, pola. The, te. Then, na. There, ko, na. Thereupon, lava, Me. They, la, na. Thick, matotu, pu. Thicket, vao, yahele. Thigh, tapa, ufa. Thin, lailai, nifi, yase. Thing, mea. Think, manako, mea (see meditate). Thirst, kai. This, nei. Thorn, tola. Thou, ko, ke. Thousand, afe, mano, tini. Thread, JUo. Three, tolu. Throw, li, ti, velo, inaka. Thunder,_/af!w, mana, -gulu. Tickle, mayeso. Tie,fau, li, sele (see bind). Till, mold. Time, manava, mauli, va. To, ki, ma. To-day, nei. Together, fu, tasi. To-morrow, ao, poyi. Tongue, alelo. Tooth, nifo, yao. Top, summit, foya, pito, tumu. Top (plaything), liu, milo, taka. Torch, lama, sulu. Tortoise, fonu. Tortoise-shell, kea, una. Touch, pa, paki, tayo, tu. Tough, ua. Town, kai, kolo, nuku, pa. Track (s.), tapu. Trade, tau, hoko. Trample, tread, kahi, peti. Tree, lakau. Tremble, lu, tete, pepe, lika. Tribe, pu, ivi. True, maoni, io. Trumpet, pu. Trunk, tumu, tino. Trust m,Jilinaki. Try, prove, /a/a, tofo, toyi. Turmeric, leya. Turn, liu, loli, vili. Turn aside, pak, pae. POLYNESIAN VOCABULARY. 355 Twine, afo,Jih, kafa. Tmst, Jtti, JUo, milo, nino, vili. Two, lua. u Ulcer, fefe, pala, tuya. Understand, layona, poo (see know). Unfold, fola, loli. Unfortunate, mala. Unite,//m, tasi. Unload, fuke. Unsheath, unu. Up, sake, luya. Veil, puloku, pale, lulu. Vein, ua. Vermin, kutu. Very, lava, loa,fu. Vex, vexatious, jaz, u, tau, kaka,fiu. Visitor, manu. Voice, ho. Vomit, lua, pua. w Wail, aue,pihe, ot.o, tayi. Waist, taukupu. Wait, Mi, tiaki. Walk, tafa, eva. Wall, pa. Wander, se. Want, need, sema (see poor). War, tau, tamaki. Ward off, poll, seu. Warm,fana, vela. Warrior, toa. Wart, tana. Wash,/M/M, solo, tata. Watch (v.), lama, ho, tiaki, vakai. Water, vai, lanu, tai, mitt. Wave, kale, palu. Wax, tepau. We, ma, ta. Weak, vaivai, vali, palu, lo, r/ase. Weary, mum, lo,fiu. Weave, fatu, lar/a. Weed, vele. Welcome, mala. Well(s.), hpo, lua, puna. West, to, sifo, lalo. Wet, su, Mi, maku, sou. Whale, tafold, palaoa. What, a. When,ye. Which,/e. Whisper, ./«««, musu. Whistle, fio, mapu. White, tea, kuokuo, ma, sina, tavake. Whole, foe,fu, katoa. Wide, lafa, atd, tea. Wife,fqfine, ohana. Wild, sae. Wilderness, vao. WiU,Jinayalo (see desire). Wind, ayi, sou, savili, tokelau, to, malayai, moake. Windward, sake, luya. Wing, kapa, parirau. Wink, kamo. Winter, take. Wipe, solo, mulu. Wise, ata, pakari, poto, tau. With, ma, me, aki, kei. Vithered, ma, malili. Within, loto, tonu. Without (adv.),fafo. Woman, fafine. Vender, ofo, solo, va. Wood, lakau,fafie. Word, kupu,kolelo, takau, lau. Work, aya, masi. Worm, take. Worship, lolu, puh. Worthless, lapu. Wound, puta, manu. 356 Wrap,fafi, opa, puloku, pulu. Wrist, tapu. Write, paki, ta, tafa, tusi. Yam, ufi. Year, mata, tau. PHILOLOGY. Yellow, elo, leya. Yes, io. Yield, tuku. Yoke, peka. Yonder, aye, atu, siva. You, ko. Young, pi, uhiki, kka, punua. Youngest child, potiki. DIALECT OF FAKAAFO AND VAITUPU. A FULL account of these two clusters and of their inhabitants is given in the first part of this volume, p. 149 to 169. It is there re- marked that the dialect was found to be nearly or quite identical at the two places. The only difference of importance was in the greater distinctness of pronunciation at Vaitupu, where the natives sounded the consonants (particularly the f and s) more strongly and sharply than is usual with the Polynesians. At Fakaafo, on the other hand, the utterance of the people was very indistinct. The f frequently became a sound like the rvh in where, and sometimes, particularly before o and u, a simple h. The s, likewise, was often sounded like a strongly aspirated h. Fand rv were used indifferently ; and in some instances, k seemed to be sounded like t. With these exceptions, the resemblance of dialect is so close, that it has seemed superfluous to give separate vocabularies for the two clusters, the words obtained at both being for the most part exactly alike. The grammatical notes which follow, refer, therefore, to this common dialect, having been deduced from the sentences which were written down on the spot, as heard from the natives. All the phrases given by way of example were thus obtained. Of course, the circumstance that this dialect was found to be a purely Polynesian idiom, closely resembling the Samoan, gave a facility and certainty to the determination of its grammatical characteristics, which would otherwise have been unat- tainable. -90 DIALECT OF FAKAAFO AND VAITUPU. ORTHOGRAPHY. THE number of elementary sounds in this dialect is, in strict accuracy, but fifteen, viz. : the five vowels, and ten consonants, — k, I, m, n, p, s, t, v, y. The h, however, will be occasionally employed instead of the s, where it was so pronounced by the natives of Fakaafo, and in one or two instances the w will be employed instead of v. It is one peculiarity of this dialect that the k at the beginning of many words is often dropped, apparently at the mere pleasure of the speaker. Thus the natives said indiffe- rently ko or 'o, ki or 'i, kua or 'ua, &c. The first orthography would no doubt be the correct one ; but it has seemed better, in all cases, to give the words exactly as they were heard and written at the time. THE ARTICLE. Te, is the definite article in the singular number, — as, ua lelei te tama, good is the man. Se (or he) was used before nouns, but whether as an indefinite article or as a particle of affirmation is doubtful : — se mata, an eye, or it is an eye ; se ulu, hair, or it is hair. THE SUBSTANTIVE. The plural of nouns is determined either by the context or by particles prefixed. Those which were heard were ni, kau, and tai, — as, ni ao, clouds ; e se ai ni ufi, there are no yams ; kau pu, shells ; e kiu te tai fale, the houses are many. The cases are generally determined by particles and prepositions. Ko (or 'o) is the sign of the nominative, — as, e atua tafito o Tepolo, Tepolo is an ancient god. It is used before pronouns, as ko au, I ; ko ai, who ? and in answer to a question, — as, who is it? Ans. Ko te Taufaiyd, it is Taufaiyd ; ko Taupe, it is Taupe ; what is it ? Ans. Ko te la, the sun. It is not, however, always employed, — as, e sa te papa nei, this rock is sacred. FAKAAFO AND VAITUPU. 359 Gen. Te vaka a Pitiaga, the canoe of Pihapa ; niu o te aliki, cocoa-nuts of the chief; maea ki matou, rope belonging to us. Dat. Fia-alu ki Nukulailai, I wish to go to Nuku-lailai ; 'ta matou, to us ; pili ki Fakaafo, near to Fakaafo. Ace. Omai he niu, give me a cocoa-nut. Abl. Vaka mai Tongatabu, ship from Tongatabu ; i Iwga i te layi, above in the sky. THE ADJECTIVE. The adjective usually follows the noun which it qualifies, — as, e tama lelei, he is a good man ; but when it is accompanied by a verbal or affirmative particle, it may pre- cede,— as, ua lelei te tama, good is the man. In this case, the adjective is, in fact, con- sidered as a verb. The same word may be either a substantive or an adjective according to its construc- tion,— as, fafine, woman, — mala fafine, female dress ; taua, war, — lakau tana, war- club. The prefix faka was heard before some adjectives, — as, faka-atua, godlike, divine ; faka-lelei, good. NUMERALS. Tasi (tahi) lua or ua one two tdu three fa lima four five ono six fitu valu seven eight iva nine ayafulu or ar/ahulu lua -gajulu or ua -gahulu tolu -gafulu tolu lau ten twenty thirty three hundred. Km was used indefinitely for a great number — " thousands." Toka was sometimes prefixed in enumerating, as toka-ono, six (qu. persons ?) PRONOUNS. The following are all that were heard : — PERSONAL. 1st pers. sing., Au, ko au or 'o au I au, i au me dual, maua, ma we two (exclusive) taua, ta we two (inclusive) 360 PHILOLOGY. plural, matou we (exc.) tatou we (inc.) 2d pers. sing., Koe, 'oe, ko koe thou dual, kolua or 'duo, ye two plural, koutou or 'outou ye 3d pers. sing., la he POSSESSIVE. 1st pers. sing., aku, taku, toku, maku my plural, to matou our 2d pers. sing., ow, tou thy plural, o owtow, to outou your ATa/fcw means probably for me, as we heard feyJ/ow ma&w, property (or merchandise) for me. INTERROGATIVE. Ko ai or 'o ai who ? i ai whom ? Ko te d,se a (he a) what 1 Pe se a (pe he a) how, like what 1 Ko ai is used of persons, and also in asking the name of any thing ; as, ko ai o outou fanua, what is (the name of) your country ? DEMONSTRATIVE. Tenei, this. Tena, that. As, ko ai tenei, who is this? e klei te tama nei, good is this man ; e wlivili tena mea, that thing is a drill. No relative pronoun was heard, the construction of the sentence apparently rendering it unnecessary, — as, te vaka a Pihaya, — te vaka alu, the canoe of Pihapa, the canoe [which is] going. THE VERB. The variations of time, mood, &c., in the verb, are denoted by particles. The follow- ing are those which we heard. E is used as an affirmative sign, and generally in the present or future tense, as, — e fold matou, we return, or we shall return. It is also employed to express the substantive verb, as e sa outou, ye are sacred ; e iko te malae, yonder is the temple. Se (or he) was used in a similar manner, as, se tufuya, he is a priest ; he atua sa koe, thou art a sacred god. It may, however, in these instances, be merely the indefinite article. Ke is a sign of the present or future, as, au ke alu ki via, I am going on shore. Kua (or Vz), is an affirmative particle, as, — 'uapo, it is night ; kua mate, it is dead ; ua klei te tama, the man is good. It was sometimes pronounced tua. FAKAAFO AND VAITUPU. 361 Faka is a causative prefix, &s,—faka-tau, to make exchange, to trade. This particle is also employed to form adjectives. la (or a) seems in one instance to be used as the passive suffix, as, — mataku i te mea puhi-a, afraid of the thing blown (a cigar). Imperative : tatou 6, let us go ; e soyi tana, let us two salute ; he aumai kolva, do you two come. ADVERBS. Mai, hither, towards me, as, — sau mat, come here ; e pili mai Oatafu, Oatafu is near here. Atu, away, from me, as, — taki atu, take away. Aki (?), away, as, sale aki, go away, or go out. Nei, here : — e se ai ni ufi ki nei, there are no yams here. Kb, yonder ; — e i ko te malae, yonder is the malae. Ki luya, above, up ; ki lalo, below, down. Mamao, far ; mamao lava Samoa, very far is Samoa. PUi, near. E se, — e se ai, — ai-ala, tai-ala, — ikai, kele, — no, none, not. lo, — e, yes. Pe-se a, how ? Pe-nei, thus, like this ; pena, like that. Tei-fea, where 1 mai-fea, whence ? Na and la were frequently used at the end of a sentence, but with no distinct meaning that could be perceived. They are probably locative particles, as, — sele atu la, go away ; e aliki koe nal art thou a chief? Tepa, o toku tamd na, Tepa, my father there. PREPOSITIONS. Ki or 'i, to. /, in, at, among. O, a, to, ta, of, belonging to. No, of, from. Mai, from, as vaka mai Ttmgatabu, ship from Tongatabu. Ma, for, as maku, for me (also probably with). CONJUNCTIONS. Ma, and (or with), as, — Oatafu ma Nukunono, Oatafu and Nukunono. Ka, and, or but, as, — e tayata au, ka e se aliki, I am a man and not a chief. 91 VOCABULARY. IN the following list, the words which were heard both at Fakaafo and Vaitupu are left unmarked. Those which were heard only at one of the groups are marked with F. or V., respectively. It is pro- bable, however, that most of the latter are, in point of fact, common to both places, and that our failure to note them was merely in conse- quence of the very brief intercourse which we had with the natives at each group. Above, ki luya, i luya. Afraid, mataku. All, katoa. Ancient, tafito. And, ma, ka. Approach, pili mai (see come). Arm, lima. Arrive, fiti (or hiti), mai. Artisan, tufuya, tuhuya (F.) ; tufuya (V.) Arum, tola. Away, atu, aki. Axe, toki, tokifiti (V.) Back, tua. Bad, kino. Banana,7wfti o Lotuma (V.) Be (is), e, ua, se. Beard, kumikumi (F.) ; talafa (V.) Bed, moeya. Belly, manava. Below, ki lalo. Bird, manu. Black, uliuli. Blow, puff, puhi, pass, puhia. Box, bucket, tuluma. Boy, tama, tamaiti. Braid, Zalaya. Breast, u. Bring, kau mai, ''au mai. Brother (qu. younger ?), taina. Butterfly, pepe. Candle-nut (aleurites), lama. Canoe, vaka. Cap, wreath, head-dress, fau. Chief, aliki. Child, tama. Chin, lower jaw, kauae. Cincture worn by men, malo. " " by women, fou. Cloud, ao. Cocoa-nut, niu. Come here, sau mai, solo mai, sale mai, alu mai,aumai. [There are probably some shades of difference in the meaning of these terms, which we did not perceive.] Crane, matuku. Country ,fanua (fenua). Cup, ipu, tau-ga. Cut, to, selesele (V.) Dance, saka, siva (or haka, hiva). Desert, uninhabited, vao. Die, dead, mate. Dirt, earth, kele, kelekele. Diseased skin, lafa (qu. herpes ?). Divine, godlike, faka-atua. Drink, inu. Drum, pahu (F.) Ear, taliya. Ear-ring, kasaya (V.) FAKAAFO AND VAITUPU. 363 Earth, kele,fanua. Eat, kai. Eight, vain. Elephantiasis, fefe. Eye, mata. Eye-brow, tua-mata. Eyc-\\d,fi to him .... or vei vua ) kim ^ rau, from, by them. kmi ^ ra, by them. kini koi koia, by him. Instead of i koi koia, him, we heard at Ovolau and other places ia appended to the verb, as, au ndomonia, I love him (for ndomoni ia). This form does not occur in the translations of the missionaries. The people of Mbua say, instead of koi koia, ko kea, or simply ka. At Somusomu, the common form is Vw 'ea or ''oi '« for the nominative, and 'ea for the accusative, after a verb. At Mbua, also, ratou is used for " they," as well as ra, the distinction being perhaps the same as that between the limited and unlimited plurals of the first person. VITIAN GRAMMAR. 373 Instead of 'oi rau, they two, the Somusomu grammar gives '«' rau, which is the same as the dual of the first person. How the distinction between them is made is not stated. POSSESSIVE PRONOUNS. Those which precede nouns are as follows : — SINGULAR. DUAL. PLURAL. ygou, my wendaru, our (of thee and me) wenda, our (limited inclusive) wendatou, our (unlimited inc.) weirau, our (of him and me) weitou, our (limited exc.) weimami, our (unlimited exc.) omit, thy omundrau, your omundou, your omunu, your (or thy) ana, his ondrau, their ondra, their ondratou, their. These pronouns are usually preceded by the article a, as, a pgau vale, my house ; a omu wayga, thy canoe. At Mbua, ondaru, onda, and ondatou are used instead of wendaru, wenda, and wendatou, and oygiau for ygou. At Rewa, all the possessive pronouns commence with n ; ~ggou becomes noygit, omu and all the others which begin with o have n prefixed (as, nomu, nona, nomundrau), those which begin with we change this to no (as nondaru, nonda), and those which begin with wei change the w to n (as neirau, neitou). When the possessive pronouns are used with substantives signifying articles of food, they assume a different form. Ngou becomes -ggau, which, at Lakemba, is used with names both of eatables and drinkables, as, a -ggau uvi, my yam, a ygau yaygona (or a rigaui aygona), my kava. But at Somusomu, ygau is used with eatables only, and for drinkables meygau is employed ; at Rewa it is meygu, and at Mbua, meygiau. For the second person kernu and rnemu are employed, the first for eatables, and the second for drinkables. For the third person these pronouns are kena and menu ; for the dual, kendaru and mendaru, keirau and meirau, and so on through all the persons and numbers. Cocoa-nuts and sugar-cane are commonly included in the class of drinkables, as they are prized chiefly for their milk and juice. These pronouns, it should be remarked, are used only when food is set before a person for immediate consumption. When it is merely named as an article belonging to him, those of the other class are employed, as, kemu vuaka, your portion of pork to eat ; omu vuaka, your pig. There are certain substantives which require the possessive pronouns to follow them. In this case many of the latter undergo contractions, and are united with the substantive so as to form but one word. Hgou is contracted to ygu, and those pronouns which begin with o or we lose these initial syllables. Those which commence with wei take the form of the genitive case personal, as, i kei tou, i kei mami. Thus : — 94 374 PHILOLOGY. Tdma, father. ?£« my, as a tamdygu. my father mu, thy a tamdmu, thy " na, his a tamana, his " ndaru, our a tamanddru, the father of thee and me. i keirau, our a tamai keirau, the father of him and me mundrau, your a tamamundrdu, " " you two ndrau, their a tamandrdu, " " them two nda, our a tamdnda, " " you and me i keitou, our a tamai keitou, " " them and me mundou, your a tamamundou, your father ndra, their a tamandra, their father Sing. Dual. Plu. The nouns which require these affixes are the names of the different parts of the body, with words signifying soul and mind, and the names of some of the nearest family rela- tions. In general the possession implied by them appears to be more intimate than that denoted by the separate pronouns. RELATIVES. There are no proper relative pronouns in the language, nor does this deficiency cause any obscurity in the construction of a sentence ; as, for example, sa levu na koro mat Viti-levu sa ygali ki Mbau, many are the towns on Viti-levu [which] are subject to Mbau. The verbal particles e and ka and the relative particle ki-na serve, as will be shown hereafter, to prevent any ambiguity in the connexion of different clauses of a sentence. INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS. These are three in number, viz : — Set, who ? Sava, what ? and viSa, how many ? Sei is declined like proper names, and Sava like common nouns, as : — ko Sei, who ? i Sei, whom or whose vei Sei, to whom kini Sei, from or by whom a Sava, what? ni Sava, of what ki na Sava, to what i na Sava, in, by what In inquiring the proper name of any person, place, or thing, ko Sei is always used, — as, ko Sei a yaSana (or, ai aSana) 1 What is his name? Ko Sei a yaSa ni vanua i ei? What is the name of this country ? Sei always precedes the noun to which it relates ; Sava may be used either before or after, — as, a Sava a manumanu i ei? or, a manumanu Sava i ei ? what animal is this ? ViSa is usually preceded by e, as, e viSa na mbete (R.), how many priests ? DEMONSTRATIVES. The demonstrative pronoun in most common use is ygou, meaning this or that. It receives some affixes, which do not apparently alter its meaning, — as, ygore, ygoya VITIAN GRAMMAR. 375 ggoka, &c. JEi, vei, ma, mai, are also employed as demonstratives. They are usually preceded by the noun or adjective to which they refer, and sometimes have an i inter- posed between,— as, ko fei na tantata ygou ? who is this man ? E vinaka i ei ka e £d i ygore, this is good and that is bad. THE VERB. The verb has, properly speaking, no inflections. All the accidents of tense, mood, die., are expressed by particles prefixed or suffixed. The only exception is the occasional duplication of the verb, or a part of it, to express frequency of action, — as, ravu, to kill, sa vei-raravui, they are killing one another. The particles used with the verb may be divided into (1) affirmative or active particles, (2) particles of time, (3) of mode, (4) of form, (5) transitive affixes, (6) directive parti- cles, and (7), the relative particle. The particles of affirmation are those which are prefixed to a word to show that it is to be taken in a verbal sense, and which thus supply, in many cases, the place of the sub- stantive verb. A large proportion of the words in the Vitian language, as in the Polyne- sian, may be used either as nouns, adjectives, or verbs, and the precise acceptation in which they are employed must be determined by the particles which accompany them. The principal affirmative particle is sa, which is prefixed to verbs in all tenses. When joined with words which are properly adjectives or nouns, it may, in general, be translated by some tense of the verb to be, — as, sa lako mai na tamandatou, our father is coming ; sa lako i Ovolau nanoa ko Seru, Seru went (or was going) to Ovolau yesterday; sa ivei na tamata, where is the man? sa visa tiko, it is burning (remains burning) ; sa visa keti, it is all burnt ; sa leouleou na turaya, many are the chiefs. E is another particle frequently used. It is often prefixed to a verb at the beginning of a sentence or clause, when the nominative, instead of preceding the verb, follows it, — as, e lako koi kola, he goes ; a lako mai a tamata, the man is coming ; e rerekita kemun- dou, blessed are ye. E is also prefixed to the pronouns of the third person dual and plural, when they precede the verb, — as, e ra lako, they go. Sometimes the nominative comes before the verb, with e between them, in which case this particle supplies the place of the relative pronoun, — as, koi ra e Saka €d, those that do evil ; koi koia e ka£ivi, he who is called ; koi koia e i hevani, he who is in heaven. E is only used in the present and future tenses ; in the latter case it often precedes the future sign na, — as, e na lako mai koi koia, he will come. Ka is used like e, but only in the past tense, — as, na lemba ka'u Sakava, the garland [which] I was making ; koi koia ka lako, he who went. It must not be confounded with the conjunction ka, and, which is of frequent occurrence. PARTICLES OF TENSE. It has already been explained that e and ka, to a certain degree, indicate time ; but there are also two particles which have peculiarly this office. These are na for the future, and a (in the third person, ka) for the preterite, — as, au na vakamate, I will kill ; au a vakamate, I have killed. These particles, however, are frequently omitted, when the time of the action is other- wise indicated, either by the context, or by certain adverbs. Ugai expresses an action 376 PHILOLOGY. just completed, as sa -ggai Sokovata, we have just been reconciled ; sa -ggai mate a luveygu lewa, my daughter is just dead. Oti, done, finished, is used after a verb to express a kind of preterite, as au sa meke oti, I have sung, am done singing ; sa visa oti, it is burnt. Keti has a similar force. Tiko, to remain, gives a meaning similar to that of the present participle in English, — as au sa vola tiko, I am writing ; sa visa tiko, it is burning. Koto and no are sometimes used in the same way. PARTICLES OF MOOD. The sign of the subjunctive and infinitive is me, which may be rendered " that," " in order that," " to," &c. ; it seems to be connected with the preposition met, for, as in the examples ka Sakava a tamata a Kalou mei £avai? God made man for what '.' ans. Me kilo, ko kea a Kalou, that he might know God. The conditional, with if, is expressed in the present and future by kevaka, and in the past by ke prefixed to the verb. In the dialect of Somusomu V, 'e«, and 'ena are used for if, but the distinction between them is not explained. Lest is expressed by ndaka, — as, ndaka lulu koi koia, lest he fall. But frequently the conditional is not distinguished by any sign, — as sa lako mai koi koia, au sa vakamateia (R.), had he come, I had (or would have) killed him. The imperative has me (or, at Somusomu, maui or mo) before it, or it is without a particle, — as me lako koiko (or maui la'o 'oi 'o, or mo la'o), or simply lako, go. In the dual and plural, it has the abbreviated pronouns ndrau and ndou before it, — as ndrau lako, go ye two. The imperative of forbidding is formed by kakua with ni following, — as, kakua ni lako, do not go. PARTICLES OF FORM. Vaka is the causative prefix, as mate, to die, vakamate, to kill ; mbula, to live, vaka- mbula, to save, to cure. But this prefix is also used to form adverbs, and must frequently be rendered " like," or " after the manner of," — as, vakaSa, badly ; vakaivei, how 1 vaka-Viti, Feejee- fashion. Vei prefixed to a verb, with i, Si, ki, ni, vi, ti, laki, maki, taki, yaki, suffixed, ex- presses reciprocal action,— as vei-vukei, to help one another, from vuke, to help ; vei. tayi£i, to sympathise, weep together, from tayi, to weep; vei-kildki, to know one another, from kila, to know ; vei-Surumaki, to enter one within another, as the links of a chain, from Suru, to enter, &c. The suffixes, however, are often omitted, — as vei-vaSu, to strike one another, to box, vei-voli, to trade together, &c. This form with vei has also, at times, the signification of united action, forming a sort of plural, — as, vei-kandavi, to run together, vei-tomani, to live or sit together. The suffixes which the verbs in this form receive, are usually the same which they have when they precede, as transitives, a pronoun or proper name, as will be hereafter explained. This, however, is not always the case. Kila, to know, has for its transitive suffix i, and for its reciprocal ki. With yaki following the verb, the prefix vei often loses its reciprocal sense, and ex- presses merely short, quick, interrupted motion, like that denoted by the phrases " to and fro," " up and down," " about," and the like. Thus, vei-raiSi means, to see one another, and vei-raiyaki, to look about, this way and that ; vei-lako-yaki, to go to and fro, go about ; vei-siki-yaki, to lift about. VITIAN GRAMMAR. 377 The reciprocal affixes are also used to form the abstract nouns of relationship, as, •gane, brother or sister ; vri-yaneni, the relation between brother and sister ; wati, spouse, husband or wife ; vei-wati or vei-watini, the matrimonial relation. Vei-toroi signifies a successor, from toro, to come near ; and vei-taravi, an heir, from tara, to succeed. Desire is expressed by via, as via-kani, to wish to eat ; via-mo£e, to wish to sleep, to be sleepy ; an via lako, I wish to go. Ndau signifies frequent or customary action, — as ndau-lolo, to fast frequently, to be wont to fast ; tidau-kana, to eat much, to be a glutton. TRANSITIVE AFFIXES. Verbs, when they have a transitive signification, usually take certain affixes which denote this state, and that whether they are or are not immediately followed by a noun in the objective. These affixes are a, £a, ka, ma, na, ya, ra, ta, va, ya, lakina, rakina, takina, vakina, and yakina. The last five become, in the dialect of Rewa, laka, raka, taka, vaka, and yaka. All these affixes, when followed immediately by a pronoun or proper name, with the objective sign i before it, lose their final a, and take this i in its place. [The missionaries at Lakemba at first considered that the final a was changed to i, and the i of the objective also retained ; they therefore wrote au raiSi iko, or au raifii ko, for " I see thee." But at Rewa and Somusomu they have omitted one of these vowels. So far as our experience went, only one is sounded ; indeed, the pronoun in the accusative appears frequently to be affixed to the verb, — as au raiSiko, I see thee ; kakua ni vesukidu, do not tie me. We sometimes heard the a retained, as, au raiSa iko. The omission of the final vowel in Vitian, before another vowel, is by no means uncommon ; lako, to go, when followed by i, generally becomes lak\ as, au sa lak' i Ovolau, I am going to Ovolau.] Examples of transitive affixes are, — SIMPLE VERB. TRANSITIVE FORM. ndere, to cleanse • nderta sambi, to drive sambiSa vesu, to tie ves&ka fuyu, to hug fuTfwma loma, to love lomdna taro, to ask taroya vakatu, to erect vakatura sila, to trample sildta soro, to worship sorova ta, to fell, cut down taya koti, to cut kotilakina tambu, to consecrate tamburakina vue, to wound vuetakina taki, to draw water takivakina sole, to swathe sokyakina 95 378 PHILOLOGY. It does not appear that there is any difference of meaning (with one exception) in these suffixes, nor is there any mode of determining the proper suffix of any particular verb, except from usage. Sometimes a word which has two or more acceptations, takes a different suffix for each, — as, tau, taura, to take, tau, tauSa, to gather or pluck, tau, tauva, to cleave to. So royo, ror/o£a, to hear, and rogotakina, to preach. But frequently the same suffix is joined to verbs which, though sounded alike, are evidently different words ; lia, to steal, and lia, to inquire, both make HdSa. Moreover, the same word sometimes takes two or more affixes with no change of meaning ; thus, mboso, to cut, has mbosoka, mbosolakina, and mbosorakina. The exception mentioned above is in the case of vakina, or va?ina, which is said (in the Somusomu grammar) to have sometimes the meaning of acting or doing for, or on account of another, as, au sorova'ina ea, I pray for him, au lolova'ina ea, I fast for him, au la'ava'ina, I go for him, or on his account. It will be observed that, in this case, the suffix does not change its final vowel before the pronoun. It has not, however, always this meaning, as yatovakina, which means " to omit the k in speaking" (like the people of Somusomu). These transitive suffixes seem to be the same as those that in the Polynesian serve as signs of the passive. [See Comp. Gram. § 56.] What makes this almost certain is the fact that in those cases where the Vitian verb is of Polynesian origin, its transitive suffix usually corresponds with the passive suffix of the same verb in Polynesian, — at least, as we find it in the dialect of New Zealand, which has retained this part of the language more complete than the other dialects. Sometimes the Samoan and Tongan also coincide, as will be seen in the following examples : VITIAN VERB. vakatu, to erect vakatumbu, to cause to grow vakamate, to kill siki, to lift up kini, to pinch vaSu, to strike umbiumbi, to cover keli, to dig unu, to drink TRANSITIVE. vakatura vakatumbura vakamatea sikita kinita vaSuka umbiumbia kelia unuma POLYNESIAN. wakatu (N. Z.) waltatupu (N. Z.) wakamate (N. Z.) hiki (N. Z. and Tong.) [also sz'z, Sam. kini (N. Z.) patu (N. Z.), to knock ufiufi (Sam.) keri (N. Z.) inu (N. Z.) wakaturia, wakalupuria wakamatea hikitia si'itia] kinitia patukia uftufia keria inumia THE PASSIVE. There is, in the Vitian, no especial formation to express the passive voice. When the passive in English is followed by an ablative of the agent, this, in Vitian, would become the nominative, — as, " ye shall be hated by all men," is rendered, e na Sati kemundou a lor/a tainata vakaandua, all men shall hate you. In other cases, the form is the. same as in the active, the subject being put in the objective after the verb, and some nominative equivalent to the French on being apparently understood, — as, ka na kaSivi koikoia, and he shall be called, lit. [people] shall call him ; e na mbiuti ra ki Kiena, and they shall VITIAN GRAMMAR. 379 be cast into Gihenna — " [on] les jettera" &c. In these examples the close relation which exists between the passive and transitive forms of the verb is evident. DIRECTIVE PARTICLES. In the Polynesian dialects, frequent use is made of particles expressing the direction of the action, whether towards or from the speaker, upward or downward, and the like. In the Vitian, similar words are in use, though not to the same extent. Mai signifies motion towards the speaker, and may frequently be rendered hither ,• ani or yani denotes motion from the speaker, — as, away, off, forth, &c. ; Sake signifies upwards, and Eivo, down- wards. Lako-mai, come hither ; laVani, go away ; tu Sake, stand up ; tuku Sivo, to put down ; tuku-yani, to send forth ; — au tukufi kemundou yani, I send you forth ; titku£a-mai, give it here ; viri-ani, throw away. RELATIVE PARTICLE. Ki-na, in the middle or towards the close of a sentence, refers to some noun, pronoun, adverb, or other word preceding it, expressive of time, place, cause, manner, instrument, and the like ; it thus frequently supplies the place of a relative pronoun ; as, a tikina vakand/taya ko lako ki na, every place wJiere thou goest (ki na referring to tikina, place). / na siya e mate ki na a yagondra, on the day v;Jien their bodies die, (where ki na refers to siya.) A €ava ko raiSa ki na a malamala, why dost thou behold the mote ? — here ki na refers to Suva, what, — i. e., what is it for which thou beholdest, &c. The following paradigms are intended merely to show the mode in which the particles of tense, mood, &c., are applied, when it is thought necessary to employ them ; but it must not be forgotten that their use is by no means constant, and that, in strictness, a conjugation of regular verbal forms is not consistent with the genius of the Vitian language. PARADIGM OF AN INTRANSITIVE VERB. Infinitive, me lako, to go. INDICATIVE MOOD. PRESENT TENSE. Singular. au lako, I go ko lako, thou goest e lako koikoia, he goes Dual. ketidaru lako, thou and I go keirau lako, he and I go kemundrau lako, ye two go e rau lako, they two go Plural. kemundou lako, ye go e ra e ratou | lako, they go kenda kendatou keitou keimami lako, ye and I go lako, they and I go INDEFINITE. au sa lako, I am going, or am gone ko sa lako, thou art going, &c. sa lako koikoia, he is, &c. PRETERITE. au a lako, I went, or have gone ko a lako, thou wentest ka lako koikoia, he went FUTURE. au na lako, I shall go ko na lako, thou wilt go e na lako koikoia, he will go 380 PHILOLOGY. CONDITIONAL. kevaka au lako, ifl go (contracted to kevakd'u lako) kevaka ko lako, if thou goest kevaka e lako koikoia, if he goes PRETERITE. ke au sa lako, if I had gone (contracted to ke'u sa lako) or, ke sa lako koiau ke sa lako koiko, if thou hadst gone ke sa lako koikoia, if he had gone FUTURE. kevaka au na lako, if I shall go kevaka ko na lako, if thou shalt go kevaka e na lako koikoia, if he shall go SUBJUNCTIVE. me au lako, that I may go (contracted to me'u lako) me ko lako, that thou mayest go me lako koikoia, that he may go PRETERITS. men sa lako, or men a lako, that I might go FUTURE. meu na lako, that I may go IMPERATIVE. lako lako koiko me ko lako • go thou ! mo ko lako maui lako nu lako, go you (respectful) ndrau lako \ me kemundrau lako > do ye two go lako kemundrau ) ndou lako \ me ke mundou lako > go ye. maui lako kemundou ) CAUSATIVE FORM. Inf. — me vakalako, to cause to go au vakalako, I cause to go au a vakalako, I caused to go au no. vakalako, I shall cause to go kevakau vakalako, if I cause to go meu vakalako, that I may cause to go vakalako koiko ! do thou cause to go FREQUENTATIVE FORM. me veilakoyaki, to go about, up and down au veilakoyaki, I go about au a veilakoyaki, I went about, &c. DESIDERATIVE FORM. me via-lako, to wish to go USITATIVE FORM. me ndau-lako, to be wont to go. PARADIGM OF A TRANSITIVE VERB. me loma, to love. TRANSITIVE FORM. lomana, to love some object. au loman a -gone, I love the child au lomani Seru, I love Seru au lomani ko, I love thee au lomani koikoia ( au lomani kea (Mb.) au lomani ''ea (Sam.) au lomania (R.) ko lomani au, thou lovest me > I love him ko lomani ko, thou lovest thyself ko lomani koikoia, &c., thou lovest him e lomani au koikoia, he loves me e lomani ko koikoia, he loves thee e lomani koikoia koikoia or, e lomania koikoia kendaru lomani koikoia, we two love him e rau lomani ko, they two love thee, &c. &c. he loves him VITIAN GRAMMAR. 381 CAUSATIVE FORM. keitdaru veUomani, we two love one an- me vakalomana, to cause to love other au vakalomani ko i koikoia, I cause thee kendatou ve-ilomani, we all love one an- to love him other e ra vakalomani au i ko, they cause me to DESIDERATIVE FORM. me via-lomana, to wish to love love thee, &c. &c. au via-wmam ko, I wish to love thee RECIPROCAL FORM. USITATIVE FORM. me veilomani, to love one another me ndau-lomana, to be wont to love. The remaining parts of speech do not require a particular notice. All the prepositions, and most of the conjunctions have been already given in treating of the cases of nouns, and the moods of verbs. The formation of adverbs with vaka has also been adverted to. We therefore proceed to speak of some other peculiarities of this language ; and first of the FORMATION OF WORDS. The duplication of simple words is common in the Vitian, though not according to any particular system or rule. In a verb it frequently expresses repetition of an action (ante, p. 375); with adjectives and adverbs it is a -mode of forming the superlative (see p. 370). Sometimes adjectives are formed by the duplication of other words, as, from sombu, down, we have sombusombu, steep ; from loa, dirt, loaloa, black, dirty. But more commonly nouns are thus formed from verbs, as from kau, to carry, is derived kaukau, a burden ; from soro, to worship, sorosoro, a religious rite ; kamba, to climb, kambakamba, a ladder. Very often the reduplicated form differs in no respect from the simple word, and seems to be preferred merely from some idea of euphony. A kind of verbal adjective, with a passive meaning, is formed from many verbs by prefixing to, as, vofe to flay, tavofe, flayed, having the skin stripped off"; wase, to sepa- rate, tawase, separated, divorced ; sere, to untie, tasere, untied, loose. This particle is sometimes found between the causative prefix vaka and the verb, as, kila, to know, vaka- takila, to make known, to testify ; vuli, to learn, vakatdvuli, to teach, i. e. to make learned. Compounds are not uncommon in the Vitian. The words which compose them are arranged in the same order as when separate, — that is, the adjective follows the noun, and the noun the verb, — substantives are separated by a preposition, &c., as, matalailai, sharp-pointed, from mata, eye or point, and lailai, small ; matanivanua, a councillor (eye of the land) ; nduvu-vakatayi, flute (noise-making bamboo). Substantives, how- ever, are frequently used as adjectives, in which case no preposition is required, as, fikavafu, stone-blind, from Sika, a disease of the eyes, and vatu, a stone; turundrdmba- Idmt, issue of blood, from turu, to drop, ndra, blood, and mbalavu, long. The adjectives rawarawa, easy, and ndrendre, difficult, are frequently suffixed to verbs to form compounds, as, vala-rawarawa, easy to do, vala-ndrendre, hard to do ; talai-rawarawa, easy to command, or, rather, to be commanded, — hence used for obe- dient ; talai-ndrendre, disobedient, ungovernable. 96 382 PHILOLOGY. CONSTRUCTION. As the Vitian has no inflections, the only rules of syntax which apply to it are such as relate to the arrangement of words in a sentence. Many of these rules have been already given. The following is a general summary of the most important. The adjective follows the noun which it qualifies. The nominative, if it be a pronoun preceded by ko or koi, usually follows the verb ; other pronouns commonly precede. If the nominative be a noun, it generally follows the verb; and if the verb have a pro- noun for its object, then the nominative comes after the object, as sa Sandra a sipa, the sun rises ; sa Zako mai na kai Mbua (R.), the Mbua people are coming; sa lomani au ko Seru, Seru loves me. Adverbs generally follow the verb, as ndromu ndole a si~ga, the sun sets l<«> soon; ka na vakasavasavatakina sara koikoia, and he will thoroughly cleanse. The negatives precede the verb, as, sa seya ni kila koiau, I do not know , e na tawa mbula a tamata, man shall not live ; tawamboko, no end, endless ; e ra nti Sau mate (Sam.), they shall not die. The same word is frequently noun, verb, adjective, or adverb, according to the con- struction of the sentence ; thus mbula means life, to live, alive, living ; siri is wrong, to err, error, erroneously, &c. The verb, if transitive, is usually distinguished by its suffix, and the noun by its article or preposition. Sometimes a verb, or a part of a sentence, is treated as a noun, and takes a possessive pronoun before it, instead of a nominative, as, i na ona tawa mboki ra, because he could not find them, lit. for his not finding them ; vaka na neitou vakandandonutaki ra (R.), as we forgive them, lit. like our forgiving them. The natives of Viti, like those of Samoa and Tonga, in speaking of or to their chiefs, employ certain terms distinct from those in ordinary use. They are principally the names of the parts of the body, and of some of the most common acts, — as, to eat, speak, sit, sleep, and the like. By a singular coincidence of idiom with many European lan- guages, the plural pronoun munu or kemunu, you, is used as a respectful mode of address to a single person ; in which case it is frequently contracted to nu. Vua, him, is also generally used as a term of ceremony, instead of the oblique cases of koikoia. The following list, given by Mr. Cargill, comprises most of the words of this description : CEREMONIAL. COMMON. ENGLISH. *"&* Sika ophthalmia £aka, tembenikula lit/a hand or arm kulinisambula kuli skin ka, wakoJo lako to go lomanikoro vale house mbale mate death ; to die milamila mbaSa disease, sickness ndakunivesi ndaku the back ndratambu ulumatua the first-born ttttuvi a cloak VITIAN GRAMMAR, 383 CEREMONIAL. COMMON. ENGLISH. serau sarasara to see serau mata eye, face tauri hi i a, i to eat tavi yone a son or daughter taw moSe sleep ; to sleep tokawale mborisi anger; angry turatura ava (yava) the foot or leg vakatambuna vosa to speak vakatatambu vosa a word vakatoka a/Sa name vanua-i-Sake ulu head wav e kete the abdomen wiri liko to sit wiriwiri tikotiko a seat PROSODY. The Feejeeans pay more attention to poetical composition than any of their Polynesian neighbours. Nearly all their dances are accompanied by songs, in a kind of recitative, to which the motions of the dancers are made to correspond. The song and dance appear to be looked upon as inseparable, and any important celebration or festival is usually signalized by the production of a meke, or dance, of which both the movements and the words are newly composed. There are persons, both male and female, who devote them- selves to this species of composition, some of whom acquire a great reputation. They frequently obtain a high price for their productions, twenty tambua (the native currency of whale's teeth) being sometimes given for a single song and dance. As a person with forty or fifty of these teeth is considered wealthy, and for eight or ten a ship may be supplied with provisions for a cruise, it is evident that the Feejeeans affix no slight value to the works of their composers. Indeed a poet of Viti has a far more difficult task than those of most countries. He must not only possess a good knowledge of music, as it is understood by his countrymen, and be acquainted with the principles on which their dances are regulated, but in the composition of his song he has to adapt it both to the tune and the dance, — and he must do this while fettered by a complicated system of rhythm and rhyme peculiar, so far as we know, to his language. The most common measure in their songs consists of three dactyles and a trochee ;* but in the place of any of the dactyles a spondee may be used. Thus the line • This measure is one not wholly unknown to English ballad literature ; it is that adopted by Scott, in the well-known lines — "Wh<5re shall the fover rest, wh6m the fates sever From his true maiden's breast, parted for ever ?" &c. 384 PHILOLOGY. du tlko | mdi na \ tambu to. \ -ganl consists of a dactyle, a spondee, a dactyle, and a trochee. And in the line ndrendre \ -ga i \ tiko ma \ lua we have two spondees, a dactyle, and a trochee. One variation, however, is permitted, which is not consonant with our ideas of metrical harmony ; — when a reduplicated word like salusalu, £eva£eva, is introduced into a line, it is considered as containing only as many syllables as the simple word. It is possible that, in singing, such words are not doubled, but of this the natives from whom we received the songs gave no intimation while reciting them. Thus the line Salusalu ni vuSu mdkerevdki has two syllables too many, which are evidently contained in the first word ; if these are omitted, the line consists of a dactyle, a spondee, a dactyle, and a trochee. This rule holds in every case, so far as we have observed, where a double word occurs. In some instances a foot of four short syllables occurs, instead of a dactyle, as, — Ra vuli | vu£u ra \ tamu rawa \ taka It should be observed that the words in their singing, or rather chanting, are divided according to the tune, without any reference to the sense, — a pause not unfrequently occurring in the middle of a word. But the observance of metre, which, in the Latin tongue, constitutes nearly all the mechanical part of verse-making, is the least difficulty in the Vitian. There is, in addi- tion to this, a peculiar manner of rhyming, which must require, in the composer, a great command of words, as well as skill in disposing them. The rule is as follows : — those vowels which are contained in the last two syllables of the first line of a stanza, must be found, in the same order, in the last two syllables of every succeeding line : — and the greater the number of lines which are thus made to conform, the belter is the poetry esteemed. Some of the stanzas in the poems which we took down have six, others nine lines. It is evident that this species of rhyme, or rather consonance, could only be suc- cessfully cultivated in a language distinguished, like the Vitian, for the predominance of vowel sounds. In the following example, the two terminal vowels are u — a : Ru mo£e koto i mbure Mbatua, Au andra Sola ni fambe na vula. Oygu masi au lak1 i munduva. Rukumbi a Sau luru ki tumba ; A oru SoSoko au lak' i rumbuna, Rukumbi a Sau turn ki tumba. VITIAN GRAMMAR. 385 This song, as well as those which follow, was obtained from a chief of Mbua, or San- dalwood Ray, at which place a dialect prevails differing both from that of Ovolau, where our interpreter resided, and from those of Lakemba and Sormisomu, of which we had vocabularies ; in some cases, therefore, a difficulty was experienced in arriving at the exact interpretation, — a difficulty increased by the elliptical form of expression, and the poetical license in the use of words to which the native bards have recourse in order to meet the exactions of their complicated metrical system. The following is the meaning of the above, as near as we could obtain it : We two were sleeping in the council-house of Mbatua ; I awake suddenly as the moon is rising. My girdle I am going to cut in two. The dew is falling heavily without; All our things I am going to put in a chest, [For] (he dew is falling heavily without. The mlmre is the large house which is found in every town, and which serves for council-house, temple, and house of reception for strangers. Two are represented in the song as sleeping in a house of this kind, called Mbatua, having left the articles which they had brought with them (probably the dresses, paints, &c., provided for the dance) on the outside. One of them awakes at the rising of the moon, and finds that the night is clear, and that a heavy dew is falling; he divides his girdle or cincture of native cloth to give half of it to his companion (which the natives frequently do, as the girdle is long and wrapped round the body in several folds), and proceeds to put their property where it will not be injured by the moisture. There is nothing poetical in the verse, which was pro- bably composed to suit the rhyme, — the first line chancing to terminate in u — a, the poet went on to string together as many words of this termination as he could recollect. Mtinduva, which properly signifies to cut or gash, as a stick or a finger, is used, for the consonance, instead of kosova, which means to clip, or cut with scissors or a shell. Rukitmbi is not in the vocabulary, but we find taumbi a layi, meaning, a heavy (all of rain ; rukiimbi a £au we suppose to mean (at least, in this dialect), a heavy fall of dew. Turn is to drop, to drizzle. Rumbu means a chest or box, but by taking the suffix na it becomes a verb, — as in English we say " to box up." Koto means to put, to place, and, as a neuter, to lie, to be placed ; — but it is used after another verb to express con- tinuance of the action or condition, answering to the participial forms in English — I am sleeping, we were lying, &c. ; tiko, toka, and no, are used in a similar manner. Ni before Sambe is probably used for ni naiSa, or some such adverb, meaning when, as, or the like. The following song is similar to the preceding, but its two rhyming vowels are a — i : Au tiko mai na Tambu-tayani, A oru meke ka lak1 i turumaki, A toa kula ka tayi takari, Andra Sola tiko, kau ygai tayi Kau mbau Suru a se ni kundravi Salusalu ni vuSu makerevaki. 97 386 PHILOLOGY. Which may be rendered as follows : I was lying in the Tambu-tapani, We were going to learn a dance, A red cock crowed in the court-yard, I awoke suddenly and went to crying ; I am going to string the flowers of the kundravi, For a necklace in the harmonious dance. This is evidently intended for a dance of females. A woman represents herself as sleeping in a house called Tambu-tayani, on the night before a festival ; she awakes at the crowing of a cock, and recollecting that the morning is to be devoted to learning a dance, she falls to crying at finding that it is already late, — her tears being probably due, in some measure, to the circumstance that tayi (to weep) is needed by the poet for the jingle of the verse. She then proceeds to prepare the necklace of flowers which is worn in the dance. Turumakt is the only word, the meaning of which is uncertain ; it is possible that a mistake was made in taking it down, as there is a syllable too much in the line ; it may correspond, in the Mbua dialect, to the Lakemba word saumaki, to return, or cause to return, which may be used for repeat, rehearse, call to mind. Tiko is used nearly like koto in the preceding song, — " I awoke suddenly, and remained so." Hgai and mbau both seem properly to mean to go, and are both used as auxiliaries. Suru, to enter, or pass through, is here used as a transitive verb, meaning to insert, as flowers in a garland. Takari (at Ovolau saggati) is the name given to the space around the outside of a house. Kau is a contraction for ka au, " and I." Vu£u is the figure of a dance. Makerevaki means " in good accord, — well arranged." The song which follows was also obtained at Sandalwood Bay, and is valuable not only as a good specimen of native composition, but as containing many allusions to their peculiar customs : Ni avu Rewa tola ndrondro na £eva, Sa £ayi toka ni u£u i Rewa ; Ma kurea no a sinu ka ygera, Me ra Suru salusalu nai aliwa, Suru sinu ka umbeti a lemba, Ra mbola rua, kau tombena. Ma kerea ko yandi, kau serea ; Andi, ko luvata na oru lemba, Kau viriani ki na loya leka. Ru Sakava na lemba kau £akava, Me ra ne levu mai a marama ; Ta laic" i Suru ki na Suyiawa. Sundru tiko ko Tinai-Sar/i-lamba ; A otwla meke ka suli vaka£ava 1 Ka'o ni vo'ua sa mai Zola. Vuravura na vanua saurara. VIT1AN GRAMMAR. 387 Ra vuli vufu, ra tamu rawataka, Ndromu ndole siga ki Mafiia'a. Which may be rendered, — In the town of Rewa blows strongly the south wind, It blows steadily from the point of Rewa ; The sinu-flowers will be shaken down and scattered, So that the women may string garlands ; String the sinu, and add to it the lemba, ^ When they are finished, I will put it on. The queen begs for it, and I untie it ; Queen, you take away this our garland, I throw it aside on the little couch. Let us take the garlands that I have been making, That the ladies may make a great stir in coming : Let us go to the Thungiawa. The mother of Thangi-lamba is vexed ; " Wherefore has our song been given away ? The basket of fees is empty ; This world is a wretched place. They are learning the dance ; they will not succeed ; The sun sets too early in Mathuata." The first verse describes the preparation for a dance, by making garlands, and the idea with which it commences is certainly a poetical one. The south wind, blowing from the point or cape at the mouth of the river of Rewa, shakes down the flowers, so that the women can make garlands. The latter part of the verse, concerning the " queen" and the " little couch," is probably introduced to fill out the stanza with the necessary rhymes. In the next verse, the " ladies" go to the house or mbtire called Thungiawa, to practise their dance. They find their instructress, the composer of the song, annoyed at the small amount of compensation which she has received ; after expressing her displeasure, she declares that they will not succeed in learning the dance, for when the women of Mathuata attempt it, the night arrives too soon for them. Some of the words require more particular annotations. Avu or yavu, a place where houses stand, a town ; this name is given to the platforms of stone on which the houses are erected. Thla-ndrondro, applied to wind, signifies to blow briskly ; lala-ndrondro na £ayi, a fine breeze is -blowing. Seva, the south wind ; fevafeva was the word given, but as £eva is found in the voca- bulary, and is required in scanning, we have adopted it instead of the reduplicate form. Ttika, to lie, to be placed, used here as an auxiliary, like tiko and koto. U£u, properly a nose, but used for a point or headland ; the river of Rewa, which is the largest in Viti, falls into the sea a few miles below the town, and has a tongue of land projecting on the south side of the mouth, forming its harbor. 388 PHILOLOGY. Ma is a particle peculiar to the Mbua dialect ; it does not occur in either of the gram- mars, or in the vocabulary, and the interpreter was ignorant of its meaning. As the line has a syllable too much for the metre, it is possible that this particle may have been an addition made to the song by the natives of Mbua, from whom we received it. It is evident that these compositions, in passing from one district to another, must be liable to be corrupted by the changes of dialect. No, similar in meaning and use to tiko, toka, and koto. Sinu, a tree bearing beautiful white flowers, which grow in clusters. Me ra Suru, &c., "that they may string garlands — the women." The sentence is probably thrown into this form for the sake of the rhyme. Alewa is frequently used for lewa, in the Rewa dialect ; like most nouns beginning with a, it is preceded by an i, which is joined to whatever word comes before it, — in this case, to the article na. Throughout these songs a and na are used indifferently both in the nominative and the accusative ; probably the choice is regulated by the harmony of the verse. Lemba, a tree bearing a yellow flower ; here the word is used for the flower alone, and afterwards, by metonymy, for the whole garland. Mbola is to divide ; mbola-rua, divided in two. Two garlands appear to have been braided on one string, and when finished, they are divided ; ra mbola-rua should there- fore be rendered " they being severed in two." Tombe is an ornament for the head or neck ; with na it becomes a transitive verb, and signifies to make of any thing an ornament. Kere, to beg ; she supposes that the queen will be struck with the beauty of her gar- land, and ask for it. Loya, the dais or elevated place for sleeping, which occupies one end of the house; the epithet leka is evidently introduced for the rhyme; she represents herself as being annoyed that the queen should beg for the garland, and as throwing it aside in displeasure. Ru £akava, &c., — £aka signifies both to take and to make ; at Ovolau, the meaning of the line would have been expressed by " kei ran £aka na lemba kau Sakava." In kau (contracted for ka ait) the ka may be either the conjunction and, or, what is more probable, the preterite particle supplying the place of a relative pronoun. Ne, noise, bustle ; the meaning seems to be, — let us dress ourselves in all our finery, to make a great stir or " sensation," as we enter the circle of dances. Thungiawa: every house in Viti has its name, and the occupant frequently receives an appellation from it, — as the lairds of Scotland are called by the names of their estates. The house of David Whippy, our interpreter, was called Wagga-vanua, — i. e., " Ship;" and he was frequently spoken of as Ko-mai-na-Wa-gga-vanua, "He of the Ship." Tina-i-Sayi-lamba, mother of Thangi-lamba ; a woman is frequently known, in these islands, by the appellation of the mother of her eldest son, — and a man by that of father of his eldest daughter. We are reminded of the Arabic Abu-Bekr, Father of Bekr, &c. Ka'o for kato, basket ; vo'ua for votua, which is a Mbua word, having probably the same meaning as yau in Rewa, i. e., property, goods. Here it refers to the articles given in return for teaching the song and dance. The omission of the t is a peculiarity of the dialect of Mathuata, and as Tinai-£apilamba is represented as speaking, she was probably from that place, and had come to Rewa to dispose of a new composition. Sa mai tola, " is here empty." VITIAN GRAMMAR. 389 Ndofe, too early, before its time; sa mate ndole, he died an untimely death. A fimbi, or war-song, consists usually of two lines, expressive of some sentiment of defiance, which they shout forth as they approach the enemy. The mountaineers of Ovolau, who sometimes attacked the towns upon the coast, were wont, before they descended from the heights, to taunt the people below them with the words — Keitau fimbiSimbi toka i tuatna, Ndrendre yd i tiko malua. That is, We are singing our war-song on the ridge, Hard indeed is it (for you) to sit patiently; i. e., it is hard for you to be compelled to hear our insults without being able to return them. Another distich declares the ease with which the assailants will break through the hostile fortress : — Nomu mbd i wawa mere, Au na tokia, au tasere. " Your fence is of the mere vine, I will kick it, I will break it open." The following is frequently sung as they approach the shore in their canoes: Ndiyindipi, — kemu muri manda, Kemu e tiko i vu ni vana. Which was rendered by the interpreter, — Take your choice now, — something for you to eat comes after, Something for you lies at the foot of the mast. This refers to the custom of tying their prisoners to the masts of their canoes, in which mode they bring home those who are reserved for their cannibal feasts. They tell their enemies that they have something ready for them to eat when they are taken captive. Kemu is the possessive pronoun thy in the form which applies only to articles of food. 98 A VITIAN DICTIONARY. FROM what has been said in the introduction to the Grammar, it will be seen that this dictionary is due principally to the labors of the Rev. Mr. Cargill, missionary to Lakemba, and that it was originally drawn up in the dialect of that island. The additions made to it are those by the Rev. Mr. Hunt for the dialect of Somusomu (marked S.), and those which we have introduced for the dialects of Rerva (R.), Ovolau (O.), Mathuata (M.), Mbua (Mb.), and Ra (Ra). It should also be remembered that the dialect of Somusomu omits the k in all cases, and that of Mathuata generally the t, — though the latter pecu- liarity is admitted by the natives to be a fault in pronunciation. Several changes have also been made from Mr. Cargill's dictionary in the order of arrangement, as well as in the orthography, for reasons indicated in the grammar. These alterations are not presented in the light of improvements, and, in fact, if considered with reference to the Vitian language alone, they might justly bear an opposite designation. But the propriety of conforming, in this part of the present work, to the general system adopted for the whole, will be readily admitted. And the changes which have been thus made necessary are not such as to render it difficult for any one, with a little practice, to use the present dictionary and grammar, in connexion with the translations of the missionaries. Most of the verbs have their transitive particles appended to them ; five of these are given in an abbreviated form, viz. : lak., rak., tak., vak., and yak. In the dialect of Lakemba these all terminate in kina, as, lakina, rakina, &c. ; in that of Rewa, in ka, as laka, raka. The dialect of Somusomu omits the k, but otherwise agrees with that of Lakemba, as, la'ina, retina. VITIAN DICTIONARY. A* Ai, with. ASa, name (see yaSa). Afamboti, to burst. Aliwa (R.), woman (see lewa). Andi, queen (see yandi, randi). Aygona, the pepper-plant ; piper methys- ticum (see ya-ggona). Asi, to bow before a chief in token of respect. Ata, to do, to act. Atamata (R.), man (see tamata). Au,l. Au, dew (see Sau). Aua, or wa ua, do not ! Aua soti, or wa iiasoti, desist. Aundre, to shine, as flame, to burn; sa aundre, sa yavu sara, it is burned, it is entirely destroyed. Sd -ta, to hate. Sd, evil, bad ; badness, vileness. S&S&, odd numbers above ten, twenty, &c. SaSau (S.), to work. Saka -va, to take up, do, make. * Most of the words which properly commence with a will be found under y, as yaia for afa, yavu for ana, &c. This y is merely the euphonic i, which in Vitian is frequently prefixed to many words, but not according to any known system, and with no apparent object beyond ease of pro- nunciation. Saka, hand or arm (used only of chiefs). Sak&Sa (Ra.), bad. Sakau, a reef. Sake, upwards, above, over. Sake -ta, to dig, or raise up. Sakumbu, to burst. Sola, any thing empty, as a bottle, box, &c. Salawai, a pool. Salindi, to burst. Salo -va, to pour in ; to sup. Sama, the outrigger of a canoe. Sambe, to go up ; Sambe Sake, to rise, as the moon. Sambo, to offer, present. SamboSambo, an offering. Samboya (R.), a flag, a banner. Sambou, outside. Sandra, to rise, ascend, spring, grow. Sanu -nut,, to carry, fetch, take ; €anu mai, bring hither. Saya, a span, to span. Sapa-ld (S.), ginger. Saygu,a contribution, — an article of traffic, contributed by an individual, when his tribe is exchanging property with another. Sayguru, hard, as the kernel of an old cocoa-nut. / Sapi, wind ; Sa~gi a vuna ! (a phrase used as an exclamation), wind is its foun- dation. Sayi -na, to be blown by the wind. Sapo (R.), the shrub from which turmeric is derived, — curcuma. Sara -ta and -tak., to clear the grass from a road, to make a path. VITIAN DICTIONARY. 393 SaraSara, to despoil a person of his pro- perty. Sarifari, obedient : the noise of a forge. ~/ui, a cockroach. Sau (S. and R.), no, not. en H f'aufau, (O)., land-breeze, dew. Sanmlxxi, absent, not here. caani von (O.), a young man. Suva, what. Suva, a limit, boundary ; to lead. Savd, a storm of wind, a hurricane. Savaru, a rustling noise. ~nfiifa, to eradicate. deafen, pale, pallid, corpse-like. Sefelevu (L.), a plain. •j«, peace, ease, quietness. Slftwa, food of one kind only, as yam without fish, and vice versa. Set, who. Sembe -to,, to cut. Sembu or fcvu -rak., to shake off. Seyga, erect ; to lift up. Seygit, breath ; to breathe, to snufT. ceygu (R.), forbear, desist: (a word of prohibition like ana). Seygttfeygu, the pit of the stomach. Seygundi, breathless, — the asthma. Sere, to appear. SereScre, eaves of a house. Seru -ma, to pour. Seu, feuSeu -to, to carve, to probe. Eeva, the south wind. Sewa, to sit. Sewafewa, a seat. Sifi, to run. Sifila (R.), rent, torn ; an aperture, breach, rent. Sika, a disease of the eyes. Sikavatu, blind, — from Sika and vatu, stone. Sila -ta, to shine. Sili, to cut. Simba, to be blown by the wind, to ascend. Simbe (S.), the hip. Simbi, to dance because of having slain an enemy ; a war-song. SimbiSimbi (O.), to sing a war-song. 99 Eina, a lamp, a light. Siygi -va, to place upon or above. SioSio, rude, irreverent. ~" •'', afloat ; -va, to float. ~ni('in, to steam. Siva, a shell-fish, an oyster. civi -to, to cut off, to pare. Sivo, downwards. £ivo£ivoya, to sound. Siwa, nine. Siwa -sayavulu, ninety. So, grass. Sd£o, deep. So£oko, to prepare ; all (see £oko and foko- Soko). Soka (R.), to dart, shoot, throw a spear. Sokavake, to dig deep ; an inner fence. Sake, upper branch of a tree. Sokia, to gather together, take up. Soko -va, to prepare. Sokofoko, all. Sokofoko, bead. Sokovata, to assemble, to unite, to be friends. Sola -to, to carry on .the shoulder. Somba -to, to throw water upon, to dash as water. Sombo, to make a noise by clapping the hands together. Sombo -ra, to cover. SomboSd, covetous. Sombo -levu, a coward. Soni, floor of a house. Sonilawa, an ambush, from So, ni, and lawa, a net. Soyafoydra, thorny. Soydna, a barb. Sort -to, to bind ; the sinnet that fastens the thatch of a house. SoriSori, rigging of a canoe. Soro, to singe. Soufouvi, grateful. Save, an oyster. Sovi, a gift. Sovi -a, to cut or break off a branch. Sovu -to, to peck. SuSu, a disease of the eyes (used of chiefs). 394 PHILOLOGY. Suke -to, to dig. Sula, a fork, a pole for setting a canoe. SumbuSumbu, SimbaSimba, Hades, place of souls. Sundru, anger ; angry. Suyu -ma, to hug, embrace. Sum, to enter, to pass, to go in and out ; (R.), to string flowers on a garland. SuruSuru, a coat or trowsers, — European clothing. Suva, to stoop, bend down, look down. Suvai, bending down. E E, verbal particle (see Grammar). E, particle used with numerals. Ea, if. E£e, to hitch about, to part gently. Ei, here. (It is always preceded by a preposition.) Ei, yes. Ema, yes, it is. Ena, if. EoSiva, a mound. Eomba, innumerable. Evi -to, to kill. Evu, dust. I /, in, with, on, upon, by, of, to. la, iawe, io, yes. Ika, a fish. Ikai (Ra.), no, not. Ike, mallet for beating cloth. Ikei, this. Hi or wili, to number, read. Uoilo, gloss, glossy. lya, straight, — or, not much bent. Iri, iriiri, a fan ; to fan. Iro, to peep, look slyly. Isaisa, a word of disapprobation. Ivi, the name of a tree, the large chestnut. K [In Somusomu, and in many parts of Vanua-levu, the k is never pronounced, its place being supplied by a slight catching of the breath, as in the Samoan and Hawaiian.] Ka, sign of the past tense of verbs ; some- times used with the present. Ka, and ; with. Ka, thing, — also, a contraction for kakana, food, — as, a kendru ka, their food. Ka£a, a crack. KaSi-va, to call, name. KaSo, to despise. KaSu, a tree, stick, wood. (See kau.) Kai, with. Kai or kaya, to tell, say. Kai, a native of any place, — as, kai-La- kemba, a Lakemba man. Kai, kai-mbia, kai-ndina, kai-vivi, kai- vandra, kai-to, names of different spe- cies of shell-fish. Kaikai (Ra), strong. Kaikainaki-rawarawa, o bed ience. Kaila-vak, a shout, to shout. Kaka, a parrot. Kakambe, adhesive. Kakana, food. Kakasa, not slippery. Kake, an outer wrapper or cover. Kaku, to scratch. Kakua, a word of prohibition, as, forbear ! do not ! (See ana.) Kala, the declension of the sun. Kalavo, a rat. Kalawa -£a, to step over. Kali, a pillow. Kali -a, to separate, to wean ; to ransom. Kalo, to whistle. Kalakalo, a star. Kalou, a god, divinity, spirit. KaZouydta, a blessing. Kama (O.), hot, to burn. Kamba -ta, to climb. Kambakamba, a ladder. Kambalu, bent. VITIAN DICTIONARY. 395 /', torn. l\iniiln' -/a, to adhere. /ficti, to break, crack, injure. Kamliii\ , r.i-l at ease. Lose, lime, coral. Lasehised, hard, as wood. Ltisiku, to ap|H'iir in sight. Lasu (R.), n lie, falsehood; to lie. Latin, concealed. LtUia-inai, to blow against ; to shade. to encompass. , to pierce with a spear. Laufoka, pierced. Laitkana, eatable. Laitlau, the place of a wound. l^uitn, to injure. Ijuttaki, to hurt by a blow with the hand. L(iuva£a, hurt from a blow. Ijtru, any article of food eaten with an- other, as yam with fish, and vice versa. Lave, lavelave-ta, to raise. Lave, lawe, a feather. Lave-ni-matf, a ceremony performed after the death of any one, — as building n canoe, making a feast, and the like. Lavi, to bring fire. Lavo, money. Lavi/sayu, to go through. Lawa, a fishing-net ; an ambush. I jnriil, i -na, to betray. Lawalawa, a company of travellers. Latcalawa, a spider. Lawandua, a bird worshipped as a god. Lea, to go (ceremonial). Lea, a particle of interrogation (ceremonial). (See lu.) Lea -la, to extract. Le£a, lost. 398 PHILOLOGY. Leka, an age, generation. Leka, lekaleka, short ; brevity ; a dwarf. Lekdi, almost, nearly. Lekutu, land not under cultivation, wood- land. Lele, a lascivious dance. Leleou, great. Lelewa, to see, consider. Lemba, a tree bearing a flower which is worn as an ornament. Lemu, the buttocks. Leyga, to turn back, turn away. Leru, a bracelet of shell. Lesu, to return. Leva, blind of one eye. LevaSi, indignant. Levata (M.), ignorant of; not to know. I^eve, to start, to dodge, to flinch. Levu, great. Lewa, woman, female. Lewd, to see, consider. Lewasusuvdki, a betrothed female, a bride. Lewe, a particle used in numbering persons. Lewe, flesh. Leice, the contents of a box ; the inhabi- tants of a town, country, &c., — as, a lewe ni Sumbou, the people of Sum- bou ; a lewe ni vuravura, the inhabi- tants of the earth. Lewe-levu, many. Lewe-lailai, few. Leyareya, a betrothed female. Lia -Sa, to steal ; to inquire. Lialia, foolish, absurd ; folly. LiSa, to stir about. Liku, the cincture or dress of women. Lilili, to swing. Lima, five. Lima-say avulu, fifty. Lindi, to break or burst ; a thunderclap. Liya, the arm, hand, finger. Liya, narrow. Li-gamundu, having a finger cut off". Lisega, to knock with the fingers. Lisi, a black pigment ; black native cloth. Liu, to pluck out. Liva, a flash, — lightning ; to flash. Livi -a, to pour ; to swing. Liiva, to blow, as wind. Lo, lolo, an ant. Lo, quietly, secretly, suddenly. Loa, a cloud ; dirt. Loaloa, black, dirty. Loa-ni-mata, the eye-ball. Loka, heavy breakers on a reef. Loka (S.), an egg. Lokiloki, lame, unable to walk. Lokitayane, a felling axe. Lokoloko, a child's pillow. Lokomikomi, harmless, righteous. Loku, lokuvi -Sa, to appoint a time. Lolo, to fast; -vak., to fast through love for an absent person. Lolo, to flow as the tide. Lolo, a preparation of the pulp of the cocoa- nut used as a seasoning for puddings. Loloku, to die at the death of another. Lololo, a store-house. Loloma, love, affection, kindness, mercy. Lolou, to stoop, bow down (used only of a woman who has lost her husband). Loma, the mind, the centre, the inside ; i loma, within. Lomaasa (?), to attend, listen ; to be stable. Lomakao, having a thoughtful, intelligent mind. Lomaloma-ni-mboyi, midnight. Loma-ni-koro, a chief's house. Lomba -ka, to wring, to milk. Lombi -a, to fold. Lombo, to squeeze out, to express. Lombolombo, soft, as moistened sand. Lomo, to dip. LomoSi, a flood ; a painted face. Lomo£i, to dip, to inundate. Lomo-ni-luvu, sunk. Loya, a bedstead, a mat, — the elevated dais on which they sleep ; a piece of ground on which any thing is planted ; a loga uvi, a yam bed ; a loya mbiti, a bed of the arum. Loga, a sign of the plural. Loyga, a club. .Loygi, the inner part of a house. VITIAN DICTIONARY. 399 Lona, to pour out, to empty. Lovo, lovoga, a furnace, a native oven. Lovona (S.), to bury. Lovbu, a pit, a hole filled with water. Lu or li, a particle of interrogation, — as, a £ava lu ? what is it 1 or a fava li. Lua, a pit. Lalita, to vomit (qu. litlua ?) Luka, the mucus of the nose. Luku, to squeeze. Lulu, an owl. Luliitu, to drop, as the seeds of a plant. Liima, shame ; ashamed. Lumi, a sea-weed. Lumulumu, to anoint. L/'f//, to fall, drop. Lutundrd, an abortion. Luva -to, to strip, take off. Luvaluva, old sinnet, mat. Luvaluvaki, to exchange. Luvayatnbe, naked. Luve, a child, a boy or girl. Luve, a kind of pigeon. Luve -a, to breed, to increase. Luveniyali, or luve-ni-cde, fatherless; an outcast. Luvu, to sink. M Ma, this, here. Ma, to be ignorant of. Ma, to give. Md, ashamed. Maawa (S.), old. Mdfd, empty. MaSala, expanded, intelligent, open, clear. Mafawa, space between, interstice. Mafe, soft ; the husk of fruit. Mafele, finished. MaSendru, hiccough. MaSu, sufficient ; not hungry, full ; abun- dance, fullness. Mai, from ; hither. Mai (for solia-mai), give me, give here. Makalivata, bright ; brightness. Makari, clear (as water), lucid; clearness. Makaua, old. Make, a noise, to make a noise. Makerev&ki (R.), harmonious, well-ar- ranged. Mako, to anoint or smear the body. Makumbu, a grandchild. Makutu, well done, performed with energy. Makutu, to desire to do any thing properly. Mala, a little thing, a hair ; mala ni ulu, hair of the head. Maldi, to scorch, scorched. Malakundru, speaking in a low tone. Malamala, a mote, chip, — shavings. Malamalawa, early in the morning. Malanitofi, a letter (from mala, ni, and toSi, to write). Malaya, a fan made of sinnet ; the tail of a P'g- Malaya, to preach. Mtdcka, palatable, pleasing to the taste. Mdliniali, a smile ; to smile. Malo, native cloth colored. Maldo, flying-fish. Malua, until ; shortly, presently ; 'gently. Malumalu, shade, shady. Malumalur/u, weakness, lowliness ; weak, defeated. Malumu, soft, elastic. Maluyu, a club. Mama, to chew; to steam. Mama, light, not heavy. Mama, a ring. MamaSa, dry, empty. Mamaloki, a joint. MamanuCa, trade-winds. Mamardu, happy ; happiness. Mamari, thin ; thinness. Mamalua, old. Mami, a species of banana. Mambu, the breast, bosom, chest. Mambuloa, a full-grown person. Mana, a miracle. Mana, a salt-water crab. Manda, i manda, before, in front ; formerly. Manda, mandamanda -na and -tak., to precede, go before, go forward. 400 PHILOLOGY. Mdndende, spread, open. Mandra! (exclam.) good ! well done! Mandra, old, worn (as a garment), withered. Manflrdi, a kind of food made of vegetables buried in the earth and left to ferment. Mandrale, a sacrifice ; -tak., to sacrifice. Mandud, shyness, shame ; ashamed. Mania (S.), to think. Manumanu, a fowl ; an animal of any kind. Manumanu, a streamer, a pennant. Mayga (Mb.), no, not. Maygai, the dry leaves with which the mandrai is covered in the pit. Mayimayi, sinnet braided from the fibres of the cocoa-nut husk. Mayiti, cooked food, provisions for a feast. Mayo, to wither (said of yams) ; dry, withered. Maopo, wise. Mara, burying-place, grave. Mara -ta, to seize, attack (said of a disease). Marama, a lady, a female chief. Mardu, happy. Mardvu, calm, still, no wind. Maromaro, fearless. Marui, leprosy, leprous. Mdsd, restless, on account of heat. Mdsalai, corrupt, putrid. Masalo, envy, envious. Masi, native cloth ; the tree of whose bark it is made (morus papyrifera). Masia, to rub. Masima, salt. Masumasu, prayer, to pray. Mata, eye, face, presence ; point, edge. MataSia (S.), blind. Matai, a workman, artisan, carpenter. Mataini, first. Matainivua, first fruits. Mataka, day-break. Mataku, fatigued, troubled. Matakui, blindness, blind. Matalailai, having a small point. Mataldu, pretty, neat, rich. Malalafi, a wedge. Matalewa, lascivious. Matamataka, dawn, break of day. Matamboko, blind. MataniSave, a pearl. Matanikalou, red. MatanikoSo, covetous. Matanikoro, gate of a fortress. Mat,anisuSu, a nipple. Matanivanua, a councillor, a messenger, a herald. Mataniwai, a spring of water. Mataygdli, a family. Matasela, blind, blindness. Matasele, a snare. Matasoso, covetousness. Matatiri, to sound. Matata, to become strong (said of the wind). Matatea, poverty, misery ; poor, indigent. Matau, right, dexter. Matau, an axe. Mataumbitu, a gouge, a chisel. Matavd, cut. Matavuki, a disease. Matavura, a landing-place. Mate, dead, to die ; death ; sickness. Mat€ni, intoxicated. Mali, to ebb. Matia, shallow water. Matiu, to fall in, as the earth into a well or pit. Matua, old ; strongly, vigorously. Mau, firm, constant. Maumau, fatigue, trouble. Maumi, mountain. Mavo, convalescent. Mavoa, to cut, injure. Mavoata, to break. Mavuike, earthquake ; name of the wife of the god Ncleyei. Mbd, a branch ; -na (S.), to branch. Mbd, a fence. Mbd, to quarrel. Mbd -tak., to deny. MbaSa, disease, sickness ; sick. MbaSa, a bait ; -na, to bait, entice, cheat. Mbaimbaia, a maggot. Mbakewa, the pilot-fish. VITIAN DICTIONARY. 401 Mbaki, perhaps. Mbakola, rnbokola, the corpse of an enemy slain in war ; used, also, as a contemp- tuous epithet. Mbala, the male tortoise. Mlxdamhala, hair-pricker. Mbaltin/, mltilambalavu, long; length. MItulaira, a coarse, strong mat. •/'•it, Vitiun name of separate state (?). M/xilf, death ; to die (ceremonial). M/«i/<; a spear. Mbali-a, to knead, to rub. 71 1 /in/in, foolish. MbaJolo, name of a certain sea-worm. MbuliJo-lailai, a month nearly correspond- ing to our October. l\l/H'/olo-levu, November. Mbalu, the cheek. MfxiHibalavu, long (see Mbalavu). Mbambamatua, quarrelsome. Mbam/iani, to pillage, cut. Mbani -a, to press down. Mbayi, forsooth. jHlmravi, the uninhabited part of the sea- shore. Mbari-ni-savu, a precipice. M/xtsaya, a branch. Mbasamliasaya, branchy. Mbasaga, a crossway (from mbasaya, i, of, and va, four). Mbasu, to break, tear. MbasumlMsuJca, broken, torn. Mbatambatd, cold. Mbati, tooth ; edge. Mbati (R.), an inferior ally, a dependent town. Mbatikalili, a precipice. Mbatiniika, an ornament made of the teeth of fish. Mbatinimayimayi, a plait of sinnet. Mbatiniwai, verge or bank of a river or well. Mbatiniwakolo, wayside. Mbau, the name of a tree. Mbait, very. Mbausoro (O.), to ask pardon. Mbawa, a banana. 101 Mbea (S.), babe. Mbeambeanimata (S.), eye-ball. Mbefi, irreverent, irreverence. Mlxka, perhaps. Mbelembelenindraka (R.), lips. Mbeli, to grow, as leaves. Mbelo, a crane (bird). Mbenambena, a marriage. Mbenu, rubbish, the refuse of food. Albera, slow, slowly. Mlx'rai, almost. Mbere, the foot or leg. Mbese, impudent, wicked, perverse, un- willing. Mbcte, priest. Mbeto (Ra.), house. Mbewa, ten bunches of bananas. Mbewambewa, a cloud. Mbi, ten tortoises. Mbi-afa, loathsome ; name of a disease. Mbiau, a wave. Mbifi, flesh. Mbiko, a disease. Mbila, to throw. Mbili -ya, to drive or push. Mbiliyga, loose, as earth that has been dug. Mbilo, a dish, a cup. Mbimbi, heavy ; heaviness. Mbini -a, to heap up, to pile. Mbiri, to spring. Mbita -lak., to throw down, to dash. Mbila -rah., to throw down when fatigued. Mbili, a bed of arum-roots. Mbitu, bamboo. Mbitunitayi, bamboo flute. Mbiu -ta, to throw away, abandon. Mho, a sore or boil. Mho, fibres of the cocoa-nut husk. Mho -ka, to know, to find, meet with. Mbokala (see mbakola). Mbola, a hundred canoes. Mbola (or mbula) ten fishes. Mbola, to cut, divide, draw apart. Mbola, leaf of a cocoa-nut tree plaited for thatching. Mbok, to challenge. 402 PHILOLOGY. Mbola -~ga, to throw stones or sticks. Mbolambolo, the top of the small house in a canoe. Mbombo -ka, to squeeze. Mbombota, red, ruddy (said of the sky, or a person's skin). Mbombula, a slave ; slavery. Mbona, smell, odor. Mboyi, night ; namboyi, last night. Mbogimboyi, morning ; to-morrow. MboyiSaka, to extinguish. MboyiSakina, to be benighted. Mborisi, anger, angry. Mboritaki, unkind, ill-natured. Mboriti, malignant wishes or orders. Mboro, to paint ; paint ; pepper. Mboro, to refuse ; not to give. Mboro-sakina, to break small (?). Mbose, to consult ; a consultation. Mlx>si, a law. Mboso -ka, to rub, to knead. Mboso -lak. and -rak., to rub, to break small. Mbota, to apportion. Mbota, to pursue. Mbote, to repair an old canoe. Mboto, a beast ; a frog. Mboto-ni-lovo, native oven. Mbotona, bottom of a pot. Mboturata, crown of the head. Mbu, a young cocoa-nut. Mbu (R.), a grandfather. Mbua, an uninhabited place. Mbuawa, short-sighted, dazzled. MbuSi, wet ; moisture. MbuSu, the loins. Mbui, tail. Mbuia, to come to land ; to knot. Mbuikiti, a variety of the hog. Mbuka, fire; firewood, fuel; -na, to add fuel to a fire. Mbukete, pregnant ; pregnancy. Mbukete-vatu, dropsy. Mbuku, two cocoa-nuts. Mbuku, mbukui, a knot ; to knot. Mbukulamba, to kill treacherously. Mbula, life, to live. Mbulase, cold food. Mbuli -a, to appoint a king. Mbulia, to heap up ; to make a peace. Mbulimbuli, a feast made for a king at his inauguration. Mbuli, the ovula-shell (or mbule). Mbulu -ta, to bury. Mbulumbulu, to bury ; that which covers or buries any thing. Mbulumbulu, a peace-offering ; to present a peace-offering. Mbulumbulu, a species of banana ; also, a small shark. Mbumbu, to devour with eagerness. Mbumbului, or mbumbunui, an oath ; to make oath. Mbumbuta, scorched. Mbundi, a banana. Mbunoa, mbunombuno, perspiration ; to perspire. Mbure, ten clubs. Mbure, a temple, a council-house, public house of reception. Mburi, an ant-hill. Mburo-go, a black cockroach. Mburu, ten cocoa-nuts. Mbusa (S.), fire. (See mbuka.) Mbusa, a plain ; an uninhabited place, (mbua.) Mbusambusana, same as above. Mbusi, fetid. Mbuta, sufficiently boiled or cooked. Mbutaalai (O.), roasting a man whole. Mbutambuta, food and property given as compensation to the carpenter who is building a canoe. Mbutambula, the thigh. Mbutambutao (S.), a thief; to steal. Mbuto, the centre, midst. Mbuto, mbutdmbutd, dark ; darkness. Mbutu, a marriage ceremony in which property is exchanged by the friends of the bride and bridegroom. Mbutu -ka, to stamp. Me, to; that, so that (sign of the subjunc- tive). Mea, bitter (used only of yams.) VITIAN DICTIONARY. 403 Men, to take care of children. ( L.), a thing, affair; (R.)> an enemy. Mcke, song and dance. Mele, the bad part of a good thing. Mcic/nc/oto, brown ; hrn witness. , to Si TV!'. Mcnie (Mb.), tongue. Mi/////, thy (of drinkables). j\li'ii/itinfii/t, your (plural ofmcmu). Memundrau, your (dual ofmemu). Mena, his (like memu). Mrti,//-ci, /iii'/i/lrau, their (plural and dual). Mi-iri'i, for (used before proper names and interrogative pronouns). Mi, mingere. Mikimikia, swift ; swiftness. Milu, to scratch. Milamila, diseased (cerem.) Milolo, healthy, oily, shining with oil. Mini, -ka, to squeeze. Mini, to sow seed. Miri, to rain. Miri miri, to drizzle. Moa, the tip or end of any thing. Moala, a variety of the yam. Mofe, to sleep ; sleep. Mofelutu, to sleep soundly. Mo£emofe, a bed, bedstead. Mofemofe-yatuli, sleep. Moka (R.), necklace of shells. Moko, a lizard. Mokomoko, neckband of a chief. Moku -ta (O.), to kill. Mali, a shaddock, a lemon. Momo, to break a cocoa-nut. Montoggilipgili, round, roundness. Mondre -ta, to tease. Mo/ioka, to squeeze, shrivel. Monomano, to mend. Moyge, to be restless, to kick, to struggle. Moygemoyge, restless. Moysimoygili, round or oval. Mopgomoygona, same as above. Moijgo, to lie down, — (a word of anger). Mosamosa, ravenous. Moto, spear. Motu -ka, to beat, punish. -lak., to beat, make havoc. i, a worm. Moumouta, motomoto, a ball ; round. Moya, the brain. Mu, thy (affixed to nouns). Mudi ma nrla, prow of a canoe. Mitaimitri, stern of a canoe. Miinnina, talkative. , a gentle breeze; to blow gently. -ka, to cut (as a stick or finger). Miina, or munda, to speak ; a word, lan- guage. Muri, behind, to follow. Murimuri, to follow. Musa, watery (used of the arum root). Musu -ka, to cut, break. Musu, mouth. Musumusu, sullen, sulky. N Na, sign of the future. Na, art., the (same as a). Nd, a word used by children to their mother- Nai&i, when. Nakita, to expect, to do any thing one's self(?). Namaka, to chew. Namo, the space between the reef and the shore. Namu, musquito. Nana, purulent matter. Nanoa (Mb.) yesterday. Ndsawa, to knock with the fingers. Nati, nanati, to watch, to be vigilant. Naica, to float. Nawaya, nanawaya, to attend , to remember. Nau, a word used by children to their grandmother. Nau-lailai (O.), aunt by the mother's side. Nrla, excrements. Ndafi, to nurse. Nda&nnbolevu, a coward ; cowardly. Ndai, a lie ; -na, to lie. Ndaimbiri, a snare, a trap ; to ensnare. Ndaindai, false. 404 PHILOLOGY. Ndaindai, an uninhabited place. Ndaindai (Mb.), to-day ; (R.) bye-and-bye, presently. Ndaka, lest. Ndakai, a bow. Ndakili, to fall prostrate. Ndakda, to open the mouth ; to gape, agape. Ndaku, the back. Ndalaina, to gape, agape. Ndalaya, to open. Ndale, a rope. Ndali, ten cuttle-fishes. Ndaliga, the ear. Ndaliyatuli, deaf. Ndalo, arum esculentum. Ndalomo, sunk, drowned. Ndambenoto, unable to walk. Ndamele, to faint. Ndamu, nice. Ndamu, ndamundamu, red. Ndanda, soft. Ndandavai, disobedient, lazy. Ndaona, wooden dish. Ndagaya, to look steadily. Ndayi, a lotion for the eyes. Ndayondayo, a bottle. Ndara, ndandara, slippery. Ndari, a dish. Ndaro, to prohibit, prevent ; prohibition. Ndaru, a rustling sound. Ndasila, soft (used only of food). Ndatuvu, a coward, cowardly. Ndau, to have ability to do, or to be in the habit of doing any thing. Ndau, a party of workmen. Ndau -na, to commit fornication or adul- tery. NdauSuyu, lascivious. Ndaulewa, ndautaijane, to commit adul- tery. Ndavea, liable to injury. Ndaulato, a virgin. NdaundauSa, perishable. Ndausiga, a famine. Ndauve, a female cousin. Ndauvere, to tempt ; temptation. Ndauvere, alien. Ndave, to flow. Ndavea, conquered. Ndaveta (O.), passage, channel, strait. Ndavondi, idle, idleness. Ndavui, the conch-shell. Ndawui, a pit or well. Ndawa, name of a tree, and its fruit. Ndau-di, unmarried. Nde, the heart of a tree. Nde, excrement (of inferior animals). Ndei, firm, hard, solid. Ndela, the summit or top of any thing. Ndende, to delay ; a long time ; constant. Ndende, a crab. Ndende -ka, to spread. Ndere -a, to wash, cleanse. Ndewa -Sa, to infect. Ndia, a handle. Ndina, true. Ndina -ta, to believe. Ndirpi, to choose. Ndoa, to dart. Ndoi, ndolui, to flow. Ndoi, ten land-crabs. Ndoi, name of a tree. Ndoi-lailai, the month of April. Ndoi-levu, the month of May. Ndoka, the top of a house. Ndokai, to reverence. Ndokai, to mix. Ndoko, a stick used as a spade; to dig with a stick. Ndole (Mb.), early, untimely, too soon. Ndolo, a float or stick for swimming upon. Ndomi, to sip, to suck. Ndomo, the voice ; the neck. Ndomo -na, to desire, to wish. Ndondo, to stretch out the hand. Ndondonu, correct, upright. Ndoyando-ga, absurd, absurdity. Ndoyo, the mangrove tree. Ndora, entrails. Ndou, ye. Ndou, ndoundou, bold, courageous. Ndovi -a, to break or cut bread, yams, &c. Ndavu, sugar-cane. VITIAN DICTIONARY. 405 Ndoya, the heart of a tree. i, their (affixed to nouns). i'O,, blood. a, a leaf. Xdnikd (Mb.), the mouth. Xdi 'ukai, fatigue, trouble; fatigued, troubled. Xdfuknniinlimw, covetous, ill-natured. X'/raktisi, rubbed off. •••/, .-irm. \i -a, to crush, press down, make even. Xilnimasd, crushed, bruised. KM, to throw down. .// -('a, to lap, lick. •uli-a, menses, to menstruate. Xili'tni'li'iii'i" a, poor. Xdraniidu (M.), hair. li, a lake. i, inside of the mouth. Nil i a HU, sweat. Kili'dtambu (sacred blood), the first-born of a chief. 'irit, their (a suffix). Xilmu, of them two (suffix). Xdra//, hundred. Xdrtt.n, iiilraundrau, a leaf. NdriiHiiilrfi.tika, the surface of water. Xtlrtivu, ashes. Silnintiidravua, dust, ashes ; poor. Ndri, firm. Ndrc -to, to pull, stretch. Xtlnke, hold or cabin of a vessel ; inside of a canoe; hole in the earth in which food is cooked. Kdfckni, not quite full. Ndrele (O.), frog. Ndrcli, blunt. Xilffiiilre, difficult ; difficulty. Ndrendre, laughter; -vak., to laugh, to deride. Ndreija, the heart of a tree. Ndresundresu, to tear ; torn. Ndrete, to pinch. Ndreu, ripe, ripeness. Ndrewe, to carry on the back. Ndri, pushed. Ndri, holothuria, bicho da mar. Ndrika, cold. 102 'Xdfimai, to rebound. Xiti-iiidfi, to swell, swelling. Ndriyi -ta, to drive ; crooked. .\tlfi i'ii, a thief; to steal. Ndroi, a bud. Ndroka, raw. Ndrokandroka, green, as wood. Ndromondromoa, red, yellow. Ndromu, to descend, as the sun ; to faint. Ndrondro, to flow. Ndrtmdrolayi, a rainbow. Ndro'o (S.), to run. Xtlrti/iiii. or ndruatini, a banner. Ndroto, slow. Ndrua, a double-canoe ; twins. Ndrvlou, name of a disease. Ndruma, foolish. Ndruyu -ya, to strip off the bark of a tree. Ndruyu -€a, to sing in a low tone of voice. Ndrudrur/u, corrupt, fetid (said of fish). Ndrusiu, to tear. Ndua, one. Ndua (S.), a bone. Nduailakolako, to separate. Nduaisi -la, to scatter. Nduamaina, to ransom. NduSi, ndusi, a finger, to point with the finger. Ndui, a club. Nduka, dirty. Ndulenduleviva, awkward. Ndukna, the bottom of a ladder. Nduli, deaf. Ndulu, teased out of patience. Ndumba, to peep slyly. Ndumu -lea, to push up. Nduna, an eel. Ndundu, a corner. Ndundu, deaf. Nduiga, a hole in a tree. Nduya, to moan. Nduga (Mb.), one. Nduyunduyua, black, dirty color. Nduri, to sit. Nduru, the knee, elbow ; a post. Ndurunduru, arm. Nduvu, bamboo cane. 406 PHILOLOGY. Nduvu, a vine with whose bark fish are intoxicated. Nei, this. Nene -ta, to punish ; to be angry ; vexed. 2VZ, a particle which precedes adverbs o time. Nikua, to-day. Nima, a scoop for baling water; -to, to bale. Ni mbogimboyi, to-morrow. Ninini, to tremble, tremor. Ninowa, to peep. Nitu, to obtain fire by friction. Niu, cocoa-nut. Niuldla, a whistle. No - boldness, audacity ; bold, brave, victorious. Jlgaygd, thinness. Ugayga -ra, to seek, look for. Ugaygalo, finger ; -ggaygalo ni ava, toe ; Vgapgalo-levu, thumb; ygaygalo-sau little finger. VITIAN DICTIONARY. 407 a hole, hollow, cave, den. Ugara -va, to serve. mndonu, opposite. Ugaramai, to front, face. Jl^aritniufu, nostril. Ugarata, between the legs. Jlgarava, to think about. ravalomai, to sit silent. Ngasi, to crawl. ligasi, old. Tlgasi -rak., to prune, strip off. Hgata, enclosed. legato, an armlet, bracelet, ornament for the wrist. rigatu (Ra.), fire. 1 lentil, lower part' of the abdomen and upper part of the thigh. Ilgatu -lak., to cultivate the ground. Ugau, my or mine (used of food only). ll^urn, a spade. flgavi, a I and -crab. Ugavoka, or ygavokavoka, a scull. Flgawa, fire ; to kindle. Hgei (O.), mother. Flgefe (Ra.), all. Hgele, earth, soil. Hge/cygelewa, filthiness. Hgelo, limping. flgera (Mb.), to fall and be scattered about, as leaves. J7i'ur out. Vakavukayilo, (lit. causing the spirit to fly;) greatly, exceedingly, very. Vakavuli -fa, to instruct. Vakaviini, secret, secretly ; -a, to hide. -tak., to fill. , after the manner of the world. in'i, to persevere; capable of en- during labor. i -bik., to increase. /t-ai, to deride ; to weep. Vakawaleirale, useless. Vnkini-tiliike, to wrinkle. Vakawavu -Sa, to erect, raise up. Vakawavayga, to look after canoes. Vakamlncclea, to drown the voice. Vakatjafa -na, to name. Vakin/aSo -ra, to cause to happen. Vakayakeyake, to improve in health. Vakayalo, spiritual, having a soul. Vakai/aloi/ (#K0, P.) gvAmul two '/« svru srimul three nan vdu vamul four yamm (nim, P.) /him nimvl five //incur want u-tiremul six yavij1 viju vijiemul seven yatpt warm waremol eight i/atu tiu tvuemvl nine i/asi'k sek Sik ten stkama su eleven stkama gluo twelve seka ma suru thirteen seka ma vau, &c. fourteen guek (guwek, P.) twenty sunk thirty vank forty limek fifty wSrik sixty vijik seventy wank eighty timk (tiuteik, P.) ninety saban or sobtry hundred 108 VOCABULARY OF THE DIALECT OF MILLE, ONE OF THE RADACK ISLANDS. WE are indebted for this vocabulary, as has been elsewhere stated (p. 87), to the Rev. H. Bingham, who obtained the materials for it from the two seamen, Lay and Husscy, shortly after their rescue from captivity. His experience in writing the Poly- nesian idioms, and his accuracy in such matters, leave no room to doubt that the vocabu- lary is as complete as, under the circumstances, it could have been made. He remarks concerning it, that " it is very imperfect ;" but the deficiencies are such as must properly be referred to a limited knowledge of the language on the part of the two men, who could have acquired little more than a smattering of the most common idioms, with such words as were needed in the daily intercourse with the natives. The orthography adopted by Mr. Bingham is so similar to that employed in this volume, that but few alterations would be necessary to make it entirely the same. Some of these, such as the change of aw to «, of u to u, and of_/ to dj, we have thought proper to make. But the double consonants employed by Mr. B. to give a short sound to the preceding vowel, as in bettin for bilin, have been retained, as also the use of the h and r in some instances for the purpose of lengthening a syllable, — as mamaru, for momau, amaru, for amiifi, pah-o, for poo, &c. The combination rh, which frequently occurs at the end of a word, seems to be rather intended to express a vague and obscure vowel sound, than that of the consonants which compose it. Of the pronominal affix dfrh or derh, Mr. Bingham remarks that " its sound would be tolerably well expressed by the English pronoun their, by rejecting the t and removing the h to the end of the word, — thus, eirh." But in the ordinary (though incorrect) pronunciation of the word t/teir, the r is not heard, the sound being nearly that which would be written, with our alphabet, €eu, — and it is probably some such sound as eti which is here meant to be represented. The possessive pronouns given by Mr. B. are i, it-ar, or, it-arh, I ; face, thou or you ; ia, he, she, or it ; devro, we. It is evident that the real word for you (plural) as well as for Oney was unknown to his informants. 432 PHILOLOGY. The possessive or suffixed pronouns are -arh, my ; -&m, thy or you ; -en, his, her, its ; •erro, our ; -air/i or -a(rh, their. The following examples of their use are given : Im-arh my house Djim-arh* my father im-um thy and your house djim-um thy " im-en his house djim-en his " im-erro our house djim-erro our " im-&Srh their house djim-airh their " im-en-wen ? whose house? Djin-arh* my mother Djatan, a younger brother or sister djin-um thy " djat&rh my brother (or sister) djin-en his " djatOm thy (or your) brother, &c. djin-erro our " djaten, his djin-aerh their " djaterro, our djataerh, their [It is probable that the suffix of the second person singular is properly, as in Tarawan, Amu, and that of the plural, ami ; the concluding vowels of both being omitted, there would be no distinction between them.] In or ian signifies this or that, as, enno ik in, a good fish this. Menuiu is also given for this. Aitan or aitani ? who or what ? as, aitani manuiu 1 what is this ? Mirutdani, what? what is it? The following vocabulary is principally from that of Mr. Bingham. A few words have been added from those given in the narrative of the two seamen ; these have the English orthography, which they employ, added in parentheses. Adze (iron) mal. Ankle, kuiletinen. Arm, hand, ban. Asleep, medjurh, medurh. Awake, rmt. Axe, djagalil. Back, ettigan. Bad, nana. Bad, padjU. Basket, yip. Beautiful, excellent, emman. Belly, giun. Bird, pah-o or pao. Blanket, kUd (cawd). Bottle, bucket, &c., btikkah. Boy, son, lodrik. Breadfruit, mah. Brother, elder, djen (see sister). " younger, djatan. Build, ei. Bury, k&libuni (collyboony). Cannon, bake. Canoe, boat, ship, waa or ivah. Carve, hew, djikidjik (jick-e-jick). Cask, tubitOb. Chief, tamim (tammoori), uroit. Chin, djimmimyin, djimmtmyid, djim- miniyirh (qu. djimmi, father, ni, of, yin, teeth). Cloud (or squall), ktirrH. Cocoa-nut, young, ni. " ripe, waini. * In the list of words appended to the Narrative of Lay and Hussey, " my father," is written gimmah (English orthog.) and " my mother" ginnah. DIALECT OF MILLE. 433 Cocoa-nut shell, paka. Cold, piatt. Come, tcaito (wyto). Cord, line, rope, kokuul. Count, to, Itininiliuii (Imnnebuii). Cut, to, but (booway). Dark, marok. Daughter, girl, litlrik, nedji. Day, r; 1,1, I sew it ; ia tian iceia, I have sewed it. It is used also for the third person, as, ia, mania an tapa ru, my knife is lost to me. The pronouns have still another form when affixed to verbs in the objective case. They are ai, me ; ko (or go) thee ; ia, him, her, it, or them ; ara (ar or ir), us ; and kami (or garni), you ; as, kapi, to tie ; kapeai, tie me ; kapfko (or kapego), tie thee ; knjieia teua or nia or wakaki, &c., tie him, her, or them ; kapeara, tie us ; kapikami, tie you. The possessive pronouns have also two forms, separate and affixed. The former, which precede the noun, are as follows : au, my ara, our am? (qu. amu ?), thy ami, your ana, he ana, tcakaki (?), their As, au kara, my relation or kinsman ; am' kara, thy ; ana kn.rn, his ; ara kara, our relation ; ami kara, your ; ana kara wakaki, nakiki, their, &c. The latter form is, however, doubtful. The possessive pronouns, when postfixed to nouns, are nearly the same with the sepa- rate class, merely dropping the initial vowel. They are u, my ; m? or mu, thy ; no, his ; ra, our ; mi, your ; ia (?), their. The last is doubtful, and may have rather a demonstrative meaning. The following examples will show the manner in which these pronouns are united with a substantive. ica, canoe tdma, father watt, my canoe tamdu, my father 111 PHILOLOGY. wkm?, thy canoe tamdm, thy father wana, his canoe tamdna, his father wara, our canoe tamdra, our father wami, your canoe tamami, your father za, their canoe (?), or those canoes tamdia, their (?) father What distinction, if any, exists in the application of these two classes of pronouns, we could not learn. In some cases they seem to be used indifferently, as, au bdta and batdu, my house. The suffixed pronouns are always used with the prepositions, instead of the objective form of the personal, which would seem to be most correct. Thus ru (or run) of or with me ; rum, of thee ; rura, of or among us ; rumi, of you ; in the third person a different form is used, being the preposition «' (ni), and the personal pronoun, as, run teua, nia, wakaki, nakaki, of him, her, them. The demonstrative pronouns are formed by means of the adverbs ai, here, and ari, there, postfixed to the noun, with the article te preceding, — as, te bata ai (or te batai), this house ; te bata ari (or te baldri), that house. laid was used by Kirby as a plural form, as, antina tapaia iaia? whose knives are those 1 It may be doubted whether this is correct. The interrogative pronouns are antai, who 1 tera, or terdi, what ? amra, amdra, or amdrai, what 1 what for ? era or ira, how many ? jw, which ? Antai, when it precedes a verb, usually takes ia after it, to distinguish it from the prohibitive particle antai, " do not," as, antai ia dirvgia, who beats him 1 antai diri-gia, do not beat him. For exam- ples of the other interrogatives, see the vocabulary. There are no relative pronouns, their office being supplied by the construction of the sentence, as, e ya te tapa ko andia eru, where is the knife [that] you received [it] from me? la tia te bata ko Tcatiia, is the house finished [which] you were building [it] ? THE VERB. There are several particles which serve to distinguish the tenses and moods of the verb, but they are frequently omitted when the sense is clear without them. The present has no particular sign, unless the a or e which was frequently heard at the beginning of a sentence may be looked upon as such. But it seems to be in most cases an expletive, or at least a mere sign of a verbal signification, as it is used with the past and future tenses as well as with the present. This same particle, a or e, occurs continually in the sentences as given by the interpreters, in places where no meaning whatever can be affixed to it. It seems to be often introduced for euphony alone, and we are inclined to believe that in many cases it was merely a mispronunciation of the terminal vowel, which, as has been before intimated, is usually very lightly pronounced by the natives, and was frequently suppressed altogether by the foreigners. Thus the phrase, e rok e te omat e muim, a man comes after thee, should probably be, e roko te oamata muimu. Tia (which must not be confounded with the pronominal prefix tia, I), means to finish, or to be done with any thing ; with the particle n affixed, it becomes tian, and is then used as a sign of past time, or completed action ; as, weia, sew it ; ia tian weia, I have sewed it, or am done with sewing it. TARAWA. 443 Na is the sign of the future. Tia na u'fia, I will sew it. Km/it, is used where in English we should employ the words " going to," or " about to.'' Tin kmiii iri in, I am going to sew it. Kana uti te auti, the Pleiades will soon rise. ]\